My study focuses on a group that consists of members that are primarily in their late 20’s and early thirties. I did not see the same types of deviant behaviors that were seen in many of the other studies discussed such as ditching school or work, youth sexual activity and vandalism. Again, delinquency was normal with these individuals when younger, however, the Kings, as they aged, settled into more normal prosocial roles such as fathers and boyfriends and businessmen. Although the group was still heavily in to cannabis use and occasionally used other hard drugs and drank, there were no instances of other deviant behavior. Indeed, alcohol use may not be considered deviant considering its widespread use in the U.S.As one can see by this brief analysis of some of the major theories in criminology, criminological theories are woefully inadequate to understand drug use. There are a couple of reasons why this is the case. For one, much of the theorizing that has occurred on substance use did not differentiate between use and abuse. Moreover, theories tend to focus on poor communities of color. As a consequence, many theories, especially social structural theories explain drug use as a result of social disorganization within poor neighborhoods while rich upper class neighborhoods use drugs at the same rate as poor communities. Likewise, while social learning theories adequately explain the process of becoming a drug user and adopting a drug using identity, they ascribe overly moralistic ideas to the act and lump drug use together with other types of crimes that are not inherently associated with drugs. Thus, commercial plant racks given this situation, I propose below a sociocultural explanation of drug use.Often overlooked in the theorizing about substance use is the social and cultural meanings attributed to certain drugs by the user.
Coomber argues that our broader cultural understandings of drugs are so perverted by drug myths that we fail to understand anything beyond a criminal control view of drugs. Howard Becker’s now infamous study Becoming a Marijuana User, draws attention to the important social dimensions of marijuana use by focusing on how marijuana is learned to be appreciated, and the various mechanisms people go through in order to learn the appropriate behavior of marijuana use. Becker explains marijuana use through the emergence of motives and dispositions in the course of experience. Although a groundbreaking study in its emphasis on the social aspects of marijuana use, Becker fails to consider marijuana use as more than recreational in nature. While occasionally acknowledged as used for religious and cultural practice, marijuana appears to be regarded as a deviant juvenile practice utilized for recreation and fun. So ingrained is this perspective that when discussing marijuana use amongst Rastafarians in a discussion section I was conducting, a student asserted that the Rastafarian religion is a religion “made up” to justify their use of drugs. Criminologic and sociological understandings of drug using behavior have been tarnished by the ethnocentric overly moralistic attitudes of American society. Considering the widespread use of mind-altering substances in both antiquity and modern society, and their near universal ubiquitousness, it is inappropriate to see mind-altering substance use as simply a product of biological addiction or deviance resulting from corrupt and unequal social structure. Rather, in order to understand mind-altering substance use, it is imperative to understand the viewpoints of the users themselves. My research has found that individuals attach different meanings to their behaviors.
Unlike the general mainstream society that views drug use as a scourge of man, this group sees this plant as a guide to spiritual enlightenment and meditation. This is in line with many other religious and spiritual groups throughout history. It is a common line of reasoning to believe that ancient primitive societies that utilized mind- altering substances for religious and spiritual journeys are or were ignorant about the true nature of drugs. They claim that cultures like these were primitive and superstitious, and that our culture with its anti-drug stance is correct. This, I contend, is a wildly ethnocentric and Eurocentric view with no objective basis in reality. In fact, when one considers the historical and social significance mind-altering substances have played in both antiquity and our own culture, we see that there is significant reason to reexamine our perceptions of these substances. From a cultural standpoint, it is relevant to understand the behavior as a social bonding ritual amongst the group members. As illustrated in the previous chapter, each member of the Kings understood that the smoking and consumption of cannabis was as much about the interaction amongst their friends as it was about the consumption of cannabis itself. TBC for example, explained that one of the main reasons to smoke was to “kick it with the homies.” He also expounded how cannabis smoking was an act that the group could do individually and collectively without the physical ramifications that alcohol and other substances could bring about. Natty told me on more than one occasion that High-C was a violent drunk and that they won’t hangout with him if he drinks. Thus, while the manifest functions of cannabis use was for the group, to smoke and meditate about the world, smoking also served the purpose maintaining group cohesion and group solidarity.
Likewise, actions that undermined group solidarity such as getting drunk and wanting to fight each other or, being stingy with weed, or babysitting, or not passing in proper rotation that may break the ritual was severely sanctioned.In addition to serving as a site of social bonding rituals, cannabis usage also served as a dramaturgical status symbol. As was discussed, cannabis usage, and growing the best cannabis served as a symbol of prestige within the group. Some of the original motivations for selling when younger appeared to be to gain status. The creation of a collective and even their nicknames indicated an intense identification with cannabis and cannabis culture. Moreover, smoking with the most people, and smoking in high-risk situations were all valued and fostered status within the group. For example, on site use at a dispensary is illegal in most cities, yet the Kings would use openly and discuss instances in which they openly smoked at the dispensary. Likewise, the Kings would frequently tell stories about getting blazed before going to work, or showing up high to jury duty, or instances of hot boxing and opening the door right in front of a large group of people. Likewise, clearing chambers, although it wastes weed, provides status to an individual because it shows “lungs of steel.” This social status phenomenon is best illustrated in the fact that in states where medical marijuana use is legal, marijuana use in youth has decreased . Many theorists believe the reduction in teen use could be attributable to the “forbidden fruit” effect in which teens participate in illegal acts for no other reason than for its illegality. The Kings themselves appear to echo this sentiment when discussing their early motivations for cannabis use and selling. Likewise, the Kings frequently claim the feeling of being high as frequently un-pleasurable. Yet, “handling the trip” and being able to “hang” is considered a status symbol within the group. Likewise, the group illustrates Johnson’s subcultural deviance theory. Johnson acknowledges that there is a competition for prestige and status within peer groups and that status and prestige are attained by engaging in activities that depart from the normative demands of mainstream society. What is particularly relevant to this dramaturgical perspective is how the Kings frequently referred to the trip as unpleasurable, as their frequent references to being high as being in hell. I believe one of the major motivating factors in cannabis use is the social prestige, because, ebb and flow tray as TBC illustrates, the high is not always pleasurable. Natty likewise told me that many people would stop using cannabis if it was legal. He claimed the negative experiences would deter most individuals. This phenomenon of experiencing bad trips was also documented by Becker when discussing the importance of learning how to enjoy the hallucinatory experience.Discussions that took place in the meetings I attended were highly intellectual and heavily influenced by stoner culture. This is relevant because much of the theories and ideas they proposed seemed creative at best and borderline schizophrenic at worst. However, the factuality of the theories and ideas they proposed to me never seemed as relevant as the information gained from discussions about cannabis. In her article, The Power of 420, Halnon examines how discussions about the origin of 420 creates a collective identity for users and indoctrinates user into the ideas values and norms of cannabis culture. I argue that the discussion about the biblical origin of the plant, its ability to change consciousness, and the naming of their bong Shiva all serve the purposes of teaching other cannabis users, and teaching me about the culture of cannabis. Some of the stories and theories they told me about are nothing more than fantasy, such as the plant is hallucinogenic because it a water plant fused with a land plant; others are truisms or half-truths such as hemp seeds being the healthiest plant food in the world, or the idea that cannabis has the ability to cure diseases. And others can neither be proven or disproven, such as the idea that God’s consciousness resides in the plant, or the story that the Burning Bush of Moses is God. The factuality or infactuality of what they stated and what they believe about cannabis, its origins and its effects are only partially relevant. What is much more relevant is the meaning system they hold and how these discussions inform cannabis users about cannabis culture and ideology.
Discussions about God, Shiva, cannabis and the nature of reality all have the ability to cultivate, support and reinforce cannabis identity, community solidarity and reality itself. Moreover, knowing cannabis history, medicine and theories helps to create a mental and ideological explanation of cannabis use for those that are critical of the practice. As a reflexive practice, the group uses the plant as a guide during meditation and critical thought. Although many in our society view the hallucination as nothing more than a stoner’s trip, the historical importance altered states of consciousness advises against such a belief. As was discussed in the history section, many cultures and religious denominations have used cannabis in some form or another for religious and spiritual mind-altering visions. Such actors have the capacity to be reflexive, that is, to think critically about their social situations, and thus, change it . Likewise, rarely does one see a view of marijuana or substance use as a source of meaningful identity. Experimentation with drugs, in particular marijuana, hashish, acid, mushrooms and LSD is one such form of distancing and breaking away from the normative demands imposed by society. Although symbolic in nature, this form of rejecting normative constraints by society allows one the ability to be a free individual, to think on one’s own and feel the freedom to make decisions for one’s own life. One such reflexive practice is the Rastafarians’ use of Ganja as a religious sacrament for the purpose of producing visions, heightening unity and communal feelings, and meditation . The use of Ganja by the Rastas takes place in communal settings referred to as reason sessions where they gather to think and analyze society. Marijuana use by the Rastas can also be viewed as a reactionary response to oppression and a manifestation of an authentic form of expressing freedom from the establishment. Other uses of marijuana as meditation span back thousands of years as in the Hindu tradition . In various cities in India, especially in ones of religious pilgrimage, cannabis is used as a celebrant. In places such as these cannabis is regarded as “sattvik nasha” translated as “peaceful intoxication” . The common folk wisdom concerning marijuana is that if a drunken man is insulted he will easily fight, whereas the man who has taken hemp will walk away. Seen quite differently from the American context, marijuana in various Indian cities is viewed as a meditation practice that connects one with God. One of the few sociologists to approach drug use from a cultural symbolic interactionist perspective, Collins illuminates how feelings of euphoria and the meanings associated with drug consumption are shaped by culture. By drawing upon Durkheim and Goffman , he illustrates how drugs used within the context of rituals become sacred and profane objects by which members of the group identify.