We have observed participants with only one transient episode of cutting, those in which it is habitual and compulsive and those who have had on-and-off periods of cutting with varying durations. This periodicity may occur either because conditions of stress may wax and wane or because the relieving effect of the cutting endures for a period of time before it in effect needs to be renewed. Episodes of cutting may be situational or habitual. An instance of the former is a girl who, although she had been cutting herself periodically for several years, indicated that a recent episode was in relation to the conjunction of her grandfather dying and her boyfriend breaking up with her. A habitual instance is the boy who used a pencil or a toothpick as his instruments, though according to his mother he scratched but never broke his skin. He said, “Two months ago I started cutting myself. I just couldn’t stop cutting myself. I had the opportunity to do it, I couldn’t help it . . . sometimes it’s just no reason, other times, it’s just because I want to. It’s because I feel like it.” Notably, this boy indicated that the cutting did not make him feel better. The intentionality of cutting is complex, and as was the case among SWYEPT participants, cutting may be associated with other forms of self-harm such as head-banging, self-choking, bulimia, eraser burns, or drug abuse. The motivations typically reported for cutting in this study were depression, anger, frustration, stress, and tension. The intended results included relief, to feel good, to feel pain, to hurt oneself,hydroponic tables canada and to see the blood. Notably, three of the participants reported that cutting did not make them feel better. With respect to integration of cutting into one’s identity as a mode of self-orientation, it was more common to hear that a young person “started cutting,” “cut myself,” or even “ended up cutting,” but there were instances of girls and a boy who declared either that “I am a cutter” or “I was a cutter.”
The only other study of intentionality among adolescent inpatient cutters we have been able to identify used the self-injury motivation scale II developed by Osuch, Noll, and Putnam , which taps factors including affect modulation, desolation, punitive duality, influencing others, magical control, and self-stimulation. The researchers found that the mean number of reasons cited for cutting themselves was 20 out of the 36 listed in the instrument as contributing to these factors and that 56% described their cutting as impulsive while 60% reported feeling emotional relief after cutting . Notably, males and females cited comparable reasons for self-injury, with a trend for females to use cutting for controlling negative affects more than males . Self-cutting is also not invariably linked to suicidality. Among girls who were SWYEPT participants, 18 reported suicidality, and 17 reported cutting; three of the cutters were not suicidal, and four of the suicidal girls were not cutters. Among boys, 14 participants reported suicidality, and 10 reported cutting; three cutters were not suicidal, and seven of the suicidal boys were not cutters. Moreover, cutting was by no means the only or the most common method for suicide attempts by participants. In this respect, we note the study by Gulbas et al.which expressly focuses on the relation between suicidal behavior and nonsuicidal self-injury among Latina adolescents in the United States.Gulbas and colleagues identify a series of factors relevant to both NSSI and suicide that correspond to features we found among the SWYEPT participants, including family fragmentation, conflict, physical and sexual abuse, and domestic violence. The relationships among these factors are complex and are found cross-culturally, though they tend to be more severe with suicide than with NSSI . Given the multiple challenges faced by our study participants in New Mexico, and the extraordinary conditions that define the contours of struggle for coherence in their lives, a focus on the specific act of cutting offers a necessarily limited but existentially critical insight into the nature of their experience. Without a doubt this requires attending to the question of children’s agency as a capacity with which youth are endowed, as we have invoked by citing childhood studies literature and in our analysis of individual vignettes.
Childhood studies scholars embrace a concept of agency as a reaction against models of childhood with more structural and chronological substrates, allowing children to be recognized as meaning makers rather than passive recipients of action . However, in the present context, we must also see agency as a fundamental human process that is no less fundamental for being challenged by illness . Specifically, self-cutting is a crisis in the agentive relation between adolescent bodies and the surrounding world, or put another way, a crisis of their bodily being in the life-world that they inhabit. In understanding embodiment as an indeterminate methodological field, this relationship between body and world is defined by three modes or moments of agency: the intentionality of our bodies in acting on the world or being-toward-the-world, the reciprocal interplay of body and world embedded in a habitus, and the discursive power of the world upon our bodies to establish expectation and shape subjectivity . To be precise, approaching the interpretation of cutting from the standpoint of agency in these troubled adolescents’ body-world relationship has the immediate effect of shifting interpretive attention from the wounded flesh to the relation between the active hand of the cutter and the self-inflicted wound. It is then not just a matter of the pain, the relief, or the blood that originates at the violated boundary between self and world, and the concomitant breach in bodily integrity. In the first mode of agency, regardless of the implement used to cut with, the cutter’s hand is an agent of self, and the opening of the wound and flow of blood are an emanation of person hood into the world. Cutting is a form of active being toward-the-world whether understood as a form of projecting outward or as a kind of leaking and draining into the world. This mode of agency is epitomized in the statements of identity such as “I am a cutter.” In the second mode or moment of agency, hand and flesh together instantiate the reciprocal relationship of body and world. The cutting hand interpellates the part of the animal and material world that is one’s very own body, and that precise fragment of the world responds with the opening of the flesh . In this way cutting highlights the simultaneity of body as both self and other. The flow of blood marking not only the violation of a boundary but the opening between body and world. The reciprocity between body and world is highlighted in the simultaneous infliction of pain and the granting of relief.
The cutter’s body is also the locus of an anguished subjectivity that elicits the application to itself by an agentive hand ambivalently cruel and kind, of an otherwise inert implement from the material world,microgreen rack for sale whether it is a razor blade or a piece of glass. In the third mode of agency, both hand and flesh are no longer part of an inviolate self but conscripts of the world’s oppressive agency, and one’s body may as well not be one’s own but just a body, any body, “the” body as an object rather than a subject. The cutter’s hand is now the hand of the other, the wound is world-inflicted, and structural violence is incorporated at the most intimate bodily level. That is, it is inflicted by an anonymous oppressive world or the world dominated by the cruelty of others, and one’s flesh becomes an inert object alienated not only from selfhood but from the trajectory of a possible life, isolated from others and immersed in the immediacy of present pain and unproductive bodily transformation. We must take care to distinguish what is specific to each young person and what is fundamental to their bodily experience in the account we have just given. Attending to the immediate life worlds of individual youth reminds us that each has a distinct experience of cutting under distinct circumstances. Gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status matter to define these circumstances, while family relations and especially family instability are particularly insistent and frequent themes. Insofar as all the youth we have discussed were psychiatric inpatients, they can be counted among the more extreme instance of adolescent self-cutters, while exhibiting varied diagnostic profiles, levels of functioning, regimes of psychiatric medication, and phases of treatment and recovery. The combination of individual uniqueness and shared extremity across their situations has allowed us to elaborate a multilayered crisis of agency in the relation between body and world and highlights the existential profundity of cutting as a function of its mute immediacy in practice. The possibility for this kind of embodied existential analysis is that cutting is not an idiosyncratic occurrence but a culturally patterned act. Yet it cannot be accounted for just because other kids do it, and this is why it has been important to examine it in the lives of afflicted adolescents rather than simply as an element in the ethnography of “Emo” culture.
The interpretive point is that the trajectory of our argument from experiential specificity on the individual level to the fundamental human process of agency does not define the ends of a continuum. We must instead understand the extraordinary conditions of suffering as simultaneous with the enactment of fundamental human process, because the relation between body and world is always embedded in a specific instance, and each specific instance points to our shared existential condition of embodiment. Identifying the wounded flesh as locus of agency at the intersection of body and world as we have done brings to the fore a particular configuration of relations between self as active and passive, strategy and symptom, subjectivity and subjectivation. The moment of cutting is a fulcrum or hinge between the self as agent or as patient, with an intended pun on the medical sense of patient. From the standpoint of individual experience, cutting in the first sense is a strategy that is part of the self as agent, while in the second sense it is a symptom that is part of a disease process. As a cultural phenomenon, cutting in the first sense exhibits the body as existential ground of culture and wellspring of agentive subjectivity , while in the second sense cutting identifies the body as a site at which cultural practice and structural violence are inscribed and have the effect of subjectivation . In this respect, the distinction between subjectivation and subjectivity in the cut/cutting body is substantively parallel to the distinction between symptom and strategy in the afflicted person. Perhaps the analysis we have presented suggests that self-cutting may indeed be sufficiently complex to serve as the core of a distinct diagnostic category and too problematic with respect to agency to be defined as a symptom in the ordinary sense. Whether or not this proves to be the case, the existential complexity to which we have pointed is precisely what one would expect by bringing attention to bear on cutting as a crisis of agency with its locus at the intersection of body and world.Despite viral suppression on combination antiretroviral therapy , people with HIV suffer from depressed mood and chronic inflammation. Depression is the most common psychiatric comorbidity in HIV . Depressed PWH show poorer medication adherence , lower rates of viral suppression , greater polypharmacy , poorer quality of life and shorter survival . A sub-type of treatment-resistant depression in the general population is associated with chronic inflammation . The potential clinical significance of this is high, since the anti-inflammatory TNF-alpha blocker tocilizumab and other drugs such as the antibiotic minocycline, the interleukin 17 receptor antibody, brodalumab, and the monoclonal antibody, sirukumab, have been shown to be effective treatment for this depression subtype , but these have not been studied in the context of HIV. Inflammation is associated with greater symptom severity, differential response to treatment, and greater odds of hospitalization in patients with major depressive disorder.