Hemp Growing

Feeding different fatty acids to our engineered strains yielded cannabinoid analogues with modifications in the part of the molecule known to alter receptor binding affinity and potency. We also demonstrated that our biological system can be complemented by simple synthetic chemistry to further expand the accessible chemical space. Our work presents a platform for the production of natural and unnatural cannabinoids, which will allow for more rigorous study of cannabinoids and ultimately the development of new treatments for a variety of human ailments. We initiated construction of the cannabinoid-producing yeast by focusing first on production of OA , an initial intermediate in the cannabinoid biosynthetic pathway. Two Cannabis enzymes, a tetraketide synthase and an olivetolic acid cyclase ,6 have been reported to produce OA from hexanoyl-CoA and malonyl-CoA. To produce OA in yeast, we introduced a CsTKS and CsOAC expression cassette into S. cerevisiae to generate strain yCAN01 . The strain produced 0.2 mg/L OA from galactose , consistent with the fact that S. cerevisiae maintains low intracellular levels of hexanoyl-CoA. To increase the supply of hexanoyl-CoA, we fed 1 mM hexanoic acid, which can be converted to hexanoyl-CoA by an endogenous acyl activating enzyme , and observed six-fold higher OA production compared to no exogenous hexanoic acid feeding. A known byproduct of TKS, hexanoyl triacetic acid lactone ,6 was also detected . To optimize the conversion of hexanoic acid to hexanoyl-CoA, we introduced into yCAN01 an AAE from Cannabis , which is thought to catalyze this step in planta. The resulting strain showed a two-fold increase in OA titer when fed 1 mM hexanoic acid . To produce hexanoyl-CoA from galactose and complete the OA pathway, we introduced into yCAN01 a previously reported hexanoyl-CoA pathway.

The resulting strain produced 1.6 mg/L OA . CBGA, the precursor to THCA, CBDA, and numerous other cannabinoids, how to dry cannabis is produced from the mevalonate pathway intermediate GPP and OA by GOT. GOT activity was detected in Cannabis extracts over two decades ago, and a Cannabis GOT was patented ten years later. To enable in vivo testing of CsPT1, we constructed a GPP-over producing strain with an upregulated mevalonate pathway and a mutant gene of the endogenous farnesyl pyrophosphate synthase ERG, which preferentially produces GPP over FPP.However, we were unable to observe any GOT activity when we expressed CsPT1 or truncations thereof in yCAN10. To identify an enzyme with GOT activity that would function in yeast, we searched for candidate prenyltransferase enzymes from Cannabis and other organisms. These included NphB, a soluble PT from Streptomyces sp. with GOT activity in vitro, as well as HlPT1L and HlPT2, two PTs involved in bitter acid biosynthesis in Humulus lupulus, a close relative of Cannabis. In addition, we mined published Cannabis transcriptomes for GOT candidates.We set out to establish a biosynthetic approach for the production of this class of cannabinoid analogues from different fatty acids, hypothesizing that the observed promiscuity of our pathway towards butanoylCoA would translate to other precursors . To probe the analogue production capability of our engineered strains, we fed yCAN31 an array of 19 different fatty acids with various chain lengths, branching and degrees of saturation . LC-MS analysis revealed the production of OA and CBGA analogues from pentanoic acid , heptanoic acid , 4-methylhexanoic acid , 5-hexenoic acid and 6-heptynoic acid . Subsequent supplementation of yCAN40 with this subset of fatty acids yielded the respective THCA analogues . Furthermore, the functionalization of the pharmacophore with an alkene or alkyne terminal group enabled simple post-fermentation modification and thus the construction of side chains intractable to direct incorporation. As proof of concept, we performed copper-catalyzed azide-alkyne cycloaddition on the respective 6- heptynoic acid CBGA as well as THCA analogues with an azide-PEG3-biotin conjugate.

The corresponding products were detected by LC-MS demonstrating that the accessible chemical space of our process can be further expanded. Our results illustrate a novel avenue towards the production of cannabinoid analogues with tailored C3 sidechains. In summary, we engineered yeast strains capable of producing the major cannabinoids found in Cannabis from galactose. Pending the identification of novel cannabinoid synthases, we expect to be able to produce a large fraction of this class of natural molecules. Additionally, we further expanded the chemical space of cannabinoids by establishing and harnessing the intrinsic promiscuity of the cannabinoid pathway to produce unnatural cannabinoids including molecules with side groups amenable to further chemical derivatization. This work lays the foundation for the large-scale fermentation of cannabinoids, independent of Cannabis cultivation, which will enable the pharmacological study of these highly promising compounds and ultimately new and better medicines.Concerns about global climate change, energy security, and unstable fuel prices have caused many decision makers and policy experts worldwide to closely examine the need for more sustainable transportation strategies. Sustainable strategies include clean fuels, vehicle technologies, transportation demand management, and integrated land use and transportation strategies . Bikesharing—the shared use of a bicycle fleet—is one mobility strategy that could help address many of these concerns. In recent years, interest in this evolving concept has spread across the globe. At present, there are an estimated 100 programs in approximately 125 cities around the world with over 139,300 bicycles on four continents and another 45 planned in 22 nations in 2010. Despite rapid global motorization, worldwide bicycle use has generally increased over the past 30 years. Indeed, bicycling in Dutch, German, and Danish cities increased between 20 to 43% between 1975 and 1995 . While cycling growth and trends vary worldwide, bike sharing offers a transportation alternative to increase bicycle use by integrating cycling into the transportation system and making it more convenient and attractive to users. The principle of bike sharing is simple.

Individuals use bicycles on an “as-needed” basis without the costs and responsibilities of bike ownership. Bike sharing is short-term bicycle access, which provides its users with an environmentally friendly form of public transportation. This flexible short-term usage scheme targets daily mobility and allows users to access public bicycles at unattended bike stations. Bicycle reservations, pick-up, and drop-off are self-service. Commonly concentrated in urban settings, bike sharing programs also provide multiple bike station locations that enable users to pick up and return bicycles to different stations. Bike sharing programs typically cover bicycle purchase and maintenance costs, as well as storage and parking responsibilities . Besides individual user perks, bike sharing also offers environmental, social, and transportation-related benefits. For instance, bike sharing provides a low-carbon solution to the “last mile” problem. The “last mile” refers to the short distance between home and public transit and/or transit stations and the workplace, which may be too far to walk. Thus, bike sharing has the potential to play an important role in bridging the gap in existing transportation networks, as well as encouraging individuals to use multiple transportation modes. Potential bike sharing benefits include: 1) increased mobility options; 2) cost savings from modal shifts; 3) lower implementation and operational costs ; 4) reduced traffic congestion; 5) reduced fuel use; 6) increased use of public transit and alternative modes ; 7) increased health benefits; and 8) greater environmental awareness. The ultimate goal of bike sharing is to expand and integrate cycling into transportation systems, so that it can more readily become a daily transportation mode. In recent years, bike sharing also has expanded to college and work campuses throughout North America. Indeed, there are over 65 college/university bike sharing programs operating throughout North America and another 10 programs planned in 2010. Examples of college/university programs worldwide include “CibiUAM” at the Universidad Autonoma de Madrid in Spain and “Velocampus Leeds” at the University of Leeds in the United Kingdom . The focus of this paper, however, is on citywide systems that are open to residents and visitors, as opposed to closed systems that are only accessible to students and employees of a university or major employer. Furthermore, the authors do not address bike rental programs, best way to dry cannabis which also have expanded worldwide. Unlike bike sharing, bike rental traditionally targets users interested in leisure-oriented mobility and are most prevalent in areas with a high tourist concentration. Bike rental systems generally consist of a single or limited number of bike stations that are operated by a service attendant. A majority of bike rental programs also require users to return rented bicycles to the original bike station and are generally operated on an hourly pricing basis. Over the last 43 years, bike sharing’s evolution has been categorized into three key phases . These include the first generation, called “White Bikes” ; the second generation: “Coin-Deposit Systems;” and the third generation or “Information Technology -Based Systems” . In this paper, the authors propose a fourth generation, called: “Demand-Responsive, Multi-Modal Systems,” which builds upon the third. This paper is organized into seven sections. First, the authors present a history of bike sharing in Europe, the Americas, and Asia, focused upon the first two generations. Next, current bike sharing activities are discussed in Europe, the Americas, and Asia. Third, bike sharing business models and vendors are described. Next, the authors summarize the current understanding of the social and environmental benefits associated with bike sharing. Fifth, lessons learned are presented. Next, a fourth bike sharing generation is proposed with an eye toward future developments and innovation.

Finally, the authors conclude with a summary and recommendations for future bike sharing research.Despite earlier experiences, the bike sharing concept caught on and led to the first generation of bike sharing known as “White Bikes” . In a free bike sharing system, the bicycle is the main program component. Other distinguishing characteristics of first generation bike sharing include that bicycles were usually painted one bright color, unlocked, and placed haphazardly throughout an area for free use. Other cities that implemented a free bike system were La Rochelle, France in 1974 and Cambridge in the UK in 1993, called “Green Bike Schemes.” Soon after Green Bike Scheme’s launch, the almost 300 shared bicycles in Cambridge were stolen, resulting in program failure . However, the La Rochelle initiative, called “Vélos Jaunes” or “Yellow Bikes,” proved to be successful and continues to operate today. La Rochelle’s Mayor, Michel Crépeau, created Vélos Jaunes. Similar to Amsterdam’s White Bike Plan, Vélos Jaunes was launched as an environmentally progressive measure. Through the strong support of La Rochelle’s Urban Community, Vélos Jaunes became the first successful bike sharing program in France. Problems with Free Bike Systems led the city government and the City Bike Foundation of Copenhagen, Denmark to launch a bike sharing service that was different from any previous system. In January 1995, “Bycyken” was launched as the first large-scale urban bike sharing program in Europe. This initiative included 1,100 specially designed bicycles that were locked and placed throughout downtown Copenhagen at designated city bike racks . Bicycles were unlocked with a 20 DKK coin deposit that was refunded upon bicycle return. Bycyken of Copenhagen is famous not only because it continues to operate with more than 2,000 bicycles and 110 city bike racks today but also because it led to the second generation of bike sharing, known as “Coin-Deposit Systems.” The main components of this generation are: 1) distinguishable bicycles ; 2) designated docking stations in which bikes can be locked, borrowed, and returned; and 3) small deposits to unlock the bikes. Soon after the implementation of coin-deposit systems, the Copenhagen model led to a series of European bike sharing programs including: “Bycykler” in Sandnes, Norway ; “City Bikes” in Helsinki, Finland ; and “Bycykel” in Arhus, Denmark . The experience of these coin-deposit systems demonstrated that second-generation systems were more expensive to operate than early systems. In many cases, local governments also provided bike sharing organizations with funding. The incorporation of designated bicycle stations and the use of coin-deposit locks in second-generation systems created a much more reliable bike sharing system that was both dependable and more theft resistant. While amounts vary by country, coin deposit fees are generally low . Also, these systems do not issue a time limit for bicycle use, which means that bikes are often used for long time periods or not returned at all. The major problem with coin-deposit systems is bicycle theft, which can be attributed to customer anonymity.

Do users in states where recreational cannabis is legal have different motivations than that of users in states where the practice is still considered taboo? Moreover, does legalization remove the status and prestige gained in certain social circles after it is legal? In the country of Portugal, following the decriminalization of drugs usage in many categories decreased. Likewise, HIV and Hepatitis B & C transmissions and drug related mortality have decreased as well . This is likely due to the fact that drug users have the ability to seek out treatment and clean needles without fear of arrest and prosecution. Many years ago, a professor I knew contended that if cannabis were legal we would see a drop in its use. He claimed that only a small percentage of people who use cannabis do so because they enjoy the high. He claimed that the vast majority of people who use cannabis do so because it is illegal and that removing the “forbidden fruit” aspect of the plant will make it less attractive. As documented throughout this dissertation, the motivations for cannabis use are varied. Many users and sellers claimed they used it for the purpose of “balling” and status. It is likely that legalization would remove that form of social prestige from the endeavor.Additionally, future research needs to look at the consequences of cannabis legalization, regulation and taxation and its impact on various social institutions. For example, the majority of research on legal recreational cannabis has pointed to the profound positive effects of cannabis legalization such as increases in state tax revenue, decreases in the arrest rates and easing the financial burden of the criminal justice system. In addition to this narrow focus, I believe it is imperative to study other aspects, both good and bad of legalization such as; money flows to legitimate organizations instead of gangs and organized crime, grow bench product quality and safety, wider access for medicinal users, increased personal freedom and reduced systemic violence related to the sale of cannabis.

Likewise, we should also study some of the negative unintended consequences of cannabis legalization to create safeguards against them. Some of these negative unintended consequences of cannabis legalization that we have seen so far are cannabis addiction, children being unintentionally exposed to cannabis products such as edibles and soft drinks, second hand smoke, respiratory issues, heart issues and triggering schizophrenia and depression for individuals that are predisposed.Adequately studying the positive and negative effects of cannabis legalization can help to shape cannabis policy in the future. For example, mandating that bud containers, edibles and other types of THC infused products contain an appropriate label such as the surgeon general warnings required by alcohol and cigarettes will do much to reduce some of the negative health consequences of cannabis. Likewise, adequate labels and correct information can inform and educate people about the health consequences of cannabis and suggest alternative routes of administration which are both safer than smoking it for the individual and for those around her/him. I wrote correct information because the anti-drug propaganda in the U.S. is so incorrect and laden with misinformation that many users do not seriously consider its information. And lastly, future research needs to consider how cannabis legalization may pave the way for the legalization of other drugs. One may not consider legalization of hard drugs to be a top priority. Yet it is important to understand how the racial and class politics of the criminal justice system and the war on drugs applies to all drugs, and even more so to the harder drugs. Drug prohibition much like alcohol prohibition and cannabis prohibition has been a failure of immense proportion. As of today, approximately fifty percent of inmates in federal prisons are serving time because of drug related offenses, and approximately fifty percent of those prisoners are non-violent offenders.

About three quarters of drug offenders were black of African American 39%, Latinos accounted for 37% and whites accounted for 22% approximately . Moreover, draconian three strike laws have created a situation where many prisoners are serving lifetime prison sentences for nothing other than a lifetime of untreated drug addiction.The first national drug law , was implemented over 100 years ago and after 100 years of drug prohibition the U.S. is the most imprisoning country in the world with only 5% of the world’s population and 25% of the world’s prison population . Moreover, the war on drugs and imprisonment has tremendous societal effects beyond locking away non-violent offenders. For one, as Alexander pointed out, released prisoners are relegated to a life as a second-class citizen. Offenders accused of felony are not allowed to vote, and can be legally denied access to jobs, housing, public benefits and education. This along with the fact that countless you black and Latino children will grow up in socially disadvantaged neighborhoods without a positive male role model and father figure in their lives. As addressed earlier, a breakdown in the family and neighborhood structure breeds anti-social and criminal tendencies in inner-city communities. Rather than solving the problem of crime and interpersonal violence, mass imprisonment and the war on drugs exacerbates this problem. The U.S. currently spends approximately fifteen billion dollars each year on drug law enforcement both domestic and internationally and another fourteen and a half billion for demand reduction including both treatment and prevention services . And, after a 100 years of drug prohibition, after billions of dollars spent each year and after millions of lives destroyed by drug prohibition, drugs are more widely available than ever before, they are more potent than ever before, and with changes in technology, communication and transportation, are more readily accessible than ever before. It is important to understand the racial and class politics of the war on drugs, in terms of both its intent and its function. The war on drugs has never, and will never, be about the drugs. The drugs are irrelevant. They are simply plants and substances that produce altered states of consciousness.

The war on drugs is not a war on drugs, but a war on the people that use and sell drugs and a system of racial, class and political control. The decriminalization of drugs in Portugal are starting show the amazing social benefits that drug legalization has societal wide in health, taxation, safety and regulation . Since Portugal’s decriminalization in 2001, drug usage has decreased in almost every category of drug, the number of reported HIV and AIDS cases among drug addicts has declined substantially and drug related mortality rates have decreased from 400 in 1999 to 290 in 2006. Moreover, the reduction in the amount of drug users arrested is astounding as well. In 2000 there were approximately 14,000 people arrested for drug-related crimes. Since decriminalization, the number has dropped to, and stay relatively consistent at about 6,000 per year. . These should be considered overwhelmingly positive social effects.Criminological and sociological understandings of drug using behavior have been tarnished by the ethnocentric and overly moralistic attitudes of American society. Considering the widespread use of mind-altering substances in both antiquity and modern society, and the widespread use of consciousness altering substances the world over, it is inappropriate to see mind-altering substance use as simply a product of biological addiction or deviance resulting from a corrupt social structure. Rather, plant nursery benches in order to understand mind-altering substance use, it is imperative to understand the viewpoints of the users themselves. My research has finds that individuals attach different meanings to their drug related behaviors. Unlike the general mainstream society that views drug use as a scourge of man, this group sees cannabis as a guide to spiritual enlightenment and meditation. This is in line with many other religious and spiritual groups throughout history. It is a common line of reasoning, however ethnocentric it may be, to believe that ancient primitive societies that utilized mind-altering substances for religious and spiritual journeys are, or were, unknowledgeable about the true nature of drugs. They claim that cultures like these were primitive and superstitious, and that our “modern” culture with its anti-drug stance is correct. This, I contend, is a wildly ethnocentric and Eurocentric view with no objective basis in reality. In fact, when one considers the historical and social significance that mind-altering substances have played in both antiquity and our own culture, we see that there is significant reason to reexamine our own perceptions of these substances. From a cultural standpoint, it is relevant to understand drug use as a social bonding ritual amongst the group members. As stated earlier, each member of the Kings understood that the consumption of cannabis was as much about the interaction amongst their friends as it was about the consumption of cannabis itself. TBC for example, explained that one of the main reasons to smoke cannabis was to “kick it with the homies.” He also expounded how cannabis smoking was an act that the group could doindividually and collectively without the physical ramifications that the consumption of alcohol and other substances produced. Likewise, Natty told me on more than one occasion, that High-C was a violent drunk and that they will not hangout with him if he drinks. Thus, while the manifest functions of cannabis use was for the group, to smoke and meditate about the world, smoking also served the purpose of maintaining group cohesion and solidarity. In addition to serving as a site of social bonding rituals, cannabis usage also served as a dramaturgical status symbol.

As previously discussed, smoking with the most people and growing the best cannabis were valued and fostered status within the group. This status may be linked to the semi-illicit nature of the drug in California. In states where medical marijuana use is legal, marijuana use in youth has decreased . Many theorists believe the reduction in teen use could be attributable to the “forbidden fruit” effect in which teens participate in illegal acts because their illegal nature makes them more desirable. The Kings themselves appear to echo this sentiment when discussing their early motivations for cannabis use and selling. Likewise, the Kings frequently claim that the feeling of being high is sometimes note pleasurable. Yet, “handling the trip” and being able to “hang” is considered a status symbol within the group. Likewise, the group illustrates Johnson’s subcultural deviance theory. Johnson acknowledges that there is a competition for prestige and status within peer groups and that status and prestige are attained by engaging in activities that depart from the normative demands of mainstream society. What is particularly relevant to this dramaturgical perspective is how the Kings frequently referred to “the trip” as uncomfortable. As a reflexive practice, the group uses the plant as a guide during meditation and critical thought. Although many in our society view the hallucination as nothing more than a stoner’s trip, the historical importance altered states of consciousness advises against such a belief. As was discussed in the history section, many cultures and religious denominations have used cannabis in some form or another for religious and spiritual mind-altering visions. Cannabis use in India for spiritual, religious and meditation purpose spans back thousands of years . In ancient China, cannabis was used as a form of medicine . Even in what we consider a strict religion like Islam, the Sufi mystics used cannabis for spiritual communion . The Rastafarians in Jamaica smoke cannabis as a religious communion and the American hippies use cannabis as an inward journey into oneself . The common themes among all these cultures and a common theme among the group I studied was the link made between drug use and a deep sense of communion with the divine and a belief in asceticism. As Natty explained, “Babylon always thinks about logic. A plus B equals C. But they can never get to the why and how we are here because the true nature of the world is beyond what they can see with their eyes.” The commonality of these different cultures as seeing cannabis as a path to spiritual enlightenment to me indicates a profound connection between the plant and spirituality. Although it may appear that this dissertation was an outright defense of drug use in American society, it is important to clarify that it is not my intention to promote drug abuse. Rather, the historical, cultural, and medical significance of drugs is that they engender altered states of consciousness and can promote health and stimulate feelings of spirituality.

My study focuses on a group that consists of members that are primarily in their late 20’s and early thirties. I did not see the same types of deviant behaviors that were seen in many of the other studies discussed such as ditching school or work, youth sexual activity and vandalism. Again, delinquency was normal with these individuals when younger, however, the Kings, as they aged, settled into more normal prosocial roles such as fathers and boyfriends and businessmen. Although the group was still heavily in to cannabis use and occasionally used other hard drugs and drank, there were no instances of other deviant behavior. Indeed, alcohol use may not be considered deviant considering its widespread use in the U.S.As one can see by this brief analysis of some of the major theories in criminology, criminological theories are woefully inadequate to understand drug use. There are a couple of reasons why this is the case. For one, much of the theorizing that has occurred on substance use did not differentiate between use and abuse. Moreover, theories tend to focus on poor communities of color. As a consequence, many theories, especially social structural theories explain drug use as a result of social disorganization within poor neighborhoods while rich upper class neighborhoods use drugs at the same rate as poor communities. Likewise, while social learning theories adequately explain the process of becoming a drug user and adopting a drug using identity, they ascribe overly moralistic ideas to the act and lump drug use together with other types of crimes that are not inherently associated with drugs. Thus, commercial plant racks given this situation, I propose below a sociocultural explanation of drug use.Often overlooked in the theorizing about substance use is the social and cultural meanings attributed to certain drugs by the user.

Coomber argues that our broader cultural understandings of drugs are so perverted by drug myths that we fail to understand anything beyond a criminal control view of drugs. Howard Becker’s now infamous study Becoming a Marijuana User, draws attention to the important social dimensions of marijuana use by focusing on how marijuana is learned to be appreciated, and the various mechanisms people go through in order to learn the appropriate behavior of marijuana use. Becker explains marijuana use through the emergence of motives and dispositions in the course of experience. Although a groundbreaking study in its emphasis on the social aspects of marijuana use, Becker fails to consider marijuana use as more than recreational in nature. While occasionally acknowledged as used for religious and cultural practice, marijuana appears to be regarded as a deviant juvenile practice utilized for recreation and fun. So ingrained is this perspective that when discussing marijuana use amongst Rastafarians in a discussion section I was conducting, a student asserted that the Rastafarian religion is a religion “made up” to justify their use of drugs. Criminologic and sociological understandings of drug using behavior have been tarnished by the ethnocentric overly moralistic attitudes of American society. Considering the widespread use of mind-altering substances in both antiquity and modern society, and their near universal ubiquitousness, it is inappropriate to see mind-altering substance use as simply a product of biological addiction or deviance resulting from corrupt and unequal social structure. Rather, in order to understand mind-altering substance use, it is imperative to understand the viewpoints of the users themselves. My research has found that individuals attach different meanings to their behaviors.

Unlike the general mainstream society that views drug use as a scourge of man, this group sees this plant as a guide to spiritual enlightenment and meditation. This is in line with many other religious and spiritual groups throughout history. It is a common line of reasoning to believe that ancient primitive societies that utilized mind- altering substances for religious and spiritual journeys are or were ignorant about the true nature of drugs. They claim that cultures like these were primitive and superstitious, and that our culture with its anti-drug stance is correct. This, I contend, is a wildly ethnocentric and Eurocentric view with no objective basis in reality. In fact, when one considers the historical and social significance mind-altering substances have played in both antiquity and our own culture, we see that there is significant reason to reexamine our perceptions of these substances. From a cultural standpoint, it is relevant to understand the behavior as a social bonding ritual amongst the group members. As illustrated in the previous chapter, each member of the Kings understood that the smoking and consumption of cannabis was as much about the interaction amongst their friends as it was about the consumption of cannabis itself. TBC for example, explained that one of the main reasons to smoke was to “kick it with the homies.” He also expounded how cannabis smoking was an act that the group could do individually and collectively without the physical ramifications that alcohol and other substances could bring about. Natty told me on more than one occasion that High-C was a violent drunk and that they won’t hangout with him if he drinks. Thus, while the manifest functions of cannabis use was for the group, to smoke and meditate about the world, smoking also served the purpose maintaining group cohesion and group solidarity.

Likewise, actions that undermined group solidarity such as getting drunk and wanting to fight each other or, being stingy with weed, or babysitting, or not passing in proper rotation that may break the ritual was severely sanctioned.In addition to serving as a site of social bonding rituals, cannabis usage also served as a dramaturgical status symbol. As was discussed, cannabis usage, and growing the best cannabis served as a symbol of prestige within the group. Some of the original motivations for selling when younger appeared to be to gain status. The creation of a collective and even their nicknames indicated an intense identification with cannabis and cannabis culture. Moreover, smoking with the most people, and smoking in high-risk situations were all valued and fostered status within the group. For example, on site use at a dispensary is illegal in most cities, yet the Kings would use openly and discuss instances in which they openly smoked at the dispensary. Likewise, the Kings would frequently tell stories about getting blazed before going to work, or showing up high to jury duty, or instances of hot boxing and opening the door right in front of a large group of people. Likewise, clearing chambers, although it wastes weed, provides status to an individual because it shows “lungs of steel.” This social status phenomenon is best illustrated in the fact that in states where medical marijuana use is legal, marijuana use in youth has decreased . Many theorists believe the reduction in teen use could be attributable to the “forbidden fruit” effect in which teens participate in illegal acts for no other reason than for its illegality. The Kings themselves appear to echo this sentiment when discussing their early motivations for cannabis use and selling. Likewise, the Kings frequently claim the feeling of being high as frequently un-pleasurable. Yet, “handling the trip” and being able to “hang” is considered a status symbol within the group. Likewise, the group illustrates Johnson’s subcultural deviance theory. Johnson acknowledges that there is a competition for prestige and status within peer groups and that status and prestige are attained by engaging in activities that depart from the normative demands of mainstream society. What is particularly relevant to this dramaturgical perspective is how the Kings frequently referred to the trip as unpleasurable, as their frequent references to being high as being in hell. I believe one of the major motivating factors in cannabis use is the social prestige, because, ebb and flow tray as TBC illustrates, the high is not always pleasurable. Natty likewise told me that many people would stop using cannabis if it was legal. He claimed the negative experiences would deter most individuals. This phenomenon of experiencing bad trips was also documented by Becker when discussing the importance of learning how to enjoy the hallucinatory experience.Discussions that took place in the meetings I attended were highly intellectual and heavily influenced by stoner culture. This is relevant because much of the theories and ideas they proposed seemed creative at best and borderline schizophrenic at worst. However, the factuality of the theories and ideas they proposed to me never seemed as relevant as the information gained from discussions about cannabis. In her article, The Power of 420, Halnon examines how discussions about the origin of 420 creates a collective identity for users and indoctrinates user into the ideas values and norms of cannabis culture. I argue that the discussion about the biblical origin of the plant, its ability to change consciousness, and the naming of their bong Shiva all serve the purposes of teaching other cannabis users, and teaching me about the culture of cannabis. Some of the stories and theories they told me about are nothing more than fantasy, such as the plant is hallucinogenic because it a water plant fused with a land plant; others are truisms or half-truths such as hemp seeds being the healthiest plant food in the world, or the idea that cannabis has the ability to cure diseases. And others can neither be proven or disproven, such as the idea that God’s consciousness resides in the plant, or the story that the Burning Bush of Moses is God. The factuality or infactuality of what they stated and what they believe about cannabis, its origins and its effects are only partially relevant. What is much more relevant is the meaning system they hold and how these discussions inform cannabis users about cannabis culture and ideology.

Discussions about God, Shiva, cannabis and the nature of reality all have the ability to cultivate, support and reinforce cannabis identity, community solidarity and reality itself. Moreover, knowing cannabis history, medicine and theories helps to create a mental and ideological explanation of cannabis use for those that are critical of the practice. As a reflexive practice, the group uses the plant as a guide during meditation and critical thought. Although many in our society view the hallucination as nothing more than a stoner’s trip, the historical importance altered states of consciousness advises against such a belief. As was discussed in the history section, many cultures and religious denominations have used cannabis in some form or another for religious and spiritual mind-altering visions. Such actors have the capacity to be reflexive, that is, to think critically about their social situations, and thus, change it . Likewise, rarely does one see a view of marijuana or substance use as a source of meaningful identity. Experimentation with drugs, in particular marijuana, hashish, acid, mushrooms and LSD is one such form of distancing and breaking away from the normative demands imposed by society. Although symbolic in nature, this form of rejecting normative constraints by society allows one the ability to be a free individual, to think on one’s own and feel the freedom to make decisions for one’s own life. One such reflexive practice is the Rastafarians’ use of Ganja as a religious sacrament for the purpose of producing visions, heightening unity and communal feelings, and meditation . The use of Ganja by the Rastas takes place in communal settings referred to as reason sessions where they gather to think and analyze society. Marijuana use by the Rastas can also be viewed as a reactionary response to oppression and a manifestation of an authentic form of expressing freedom from the establishment. Other uses of marijuana as meditation span back thousands of years as in the Hindu tradition . In various cities in India, especially in ones of religious pilgrimage, cannabis is used as a celebrant. In places such as these cannabis is regarded as “sattvik nasha” translated as “peaceful intoxication” . The common folk wisdom concerning marijuana is that if a drunken man is insulted he will easily fight, whereas the man who has taken hemp will walk away. Seen quite differently from the American context, marijuana in various Indian cities is viewed as a meditation practice that connects one with God. One of the few sociologists to approach drug use from a cultural symbolic interactionist perspective, Collins illuminates how feelings of euphoria and the meanings associated with drug consumption are shaped by culture. By drawing upon Durkheim and Goffman , he illustrates how drugs used within the context of rituals become sacred and profane objects by which members of the group identify.

Unrelated to status and reciprocity, many smokers believe that mixing various types of cannabis strains together in the same bowl produces unique highs that cannot be produced by one strain alone. Offering greens to another member is an important symbolic gesture of deference and reciprocity. “Hitting Greens” is prized by smokers because it produces a much cleaner and much smoother smoke than a bowl that has already been lit. Much like asking somebody if they want the last piece of pizza, or offering a guest a drink, it is expected that one offers somebody else the greens. TBC sat to the left of Dorian, and always sat to the left of Dorian, and the piece was always passed to the left hand side. The consistency in seating arrangement allowed them to easily observe the norms of reciprocity. It is expected in sessions that the Kings clear the entire chamber on each smoke. Not doing so would out a member as a weak smoker and the member would lose status within the group. After everybody smokes, they go on to taking entire bowl hits. Taking entire bowls at once typically waste the weed. However, taking a bowl in one hit shows other people that one is a serious smoker that can handle such a large hit at once. After everybody had taken at least one hit of Ganja, they typically begin to sip the Holy Soma. Taking entire bongs rips can make it difficult for many people to talk. For one, the rips inflame the lungs, and two, people typically tend to think more. Likewise, cotton mouth sets in and makes it somewhat difficult to speak. Holy soma, according to the group, clears cottonmouth and provides a long lasting high because the substance is ingested orally and is processed through the digestive system. As Natty explained, “When you drink it, it lasts so much longer, indoor grow light shelves it’s a strong and consistent high. And it wets the mouth. Smoking, vaping, waxing, that dries you up.” Each member takes small sips and passes it to the next member.

The cup they use is the size of a large coffee mug but the members only drank a small amount and pass it to the next member. I asked them why they pass it around so much and why it took so long for them to drink such a small amount of liquid and they explained that it was necessary so everybody can get some, and nobody wants to be the person to drink it all up. Consequently, it was drunk sparingly. In addition, since it helped with cottonmouth, the members would use it whenever it was needed to curb the dryness sensation. Another important aspect of drinking sparingly is that cannabis ingested orally takes up to an hour for its effects to be felt although liquid consumption is typically faster. Passing it around allows the members to taper their use and ingest it slowly. The smoking sessions according to the group, continues for hours. The group would start heavy with rips off the Shiva. It appeared ceremonial to the group to start with smoking out of the Shiva. And it would slow to a crawl once they began drinking Holy Soma. Some of the sessions began by smoking out of then Vaping, and then move to Vaping or Waxing through the Shiva. Various adapters allow vape to be funneled through a bong. Vaping is a consumption technique that heats the cannabis up to 365 degrees Fahrenheit to dehydrate the plant matter and release the cannabinoids without combusting the plant into smoke. Waxing uses a concentrated alcohol base to extract the Cannabinoids. When waxing, the group used a blow torch and nail attached to the Shiva to heat the wax. New mechanisms of smoking were always being tried by the Kings. To some degree, this was necessary as they tried to stay informed about the most recent developments in case a patient had questions about a consumption technique. Although the reason sessions fulfilled the role and served the purposes of acting as an informal board meeting, a bonding ritual and a reflexive practice, the sessions frequently transformed into smoking matches where one member of the group would try to out smoke the other.

Although never explicitly stated, there was an expectation that one would participate or lose social status as a member of the group. It was also necessary when outside members would join the group to place social pressure on the person to participate in the smoking match. An acquaintance of mine who made the mistake of trying to smoke with the group described it as tripping balls. He also claimed they got mad because he wasn’t smoking as much as them. It is implicitly understood that being able to hang was a status symbol on which the individual members of the group prided themselves. People that could not hang, or could not handle the trip were considered “soft” and never invited to smoking sessions again. For the group, knowing someone smoked, and could smoke a lot at one period of time meant that the individual was like them and shared similar beliefs and lifestyles. Other people were simply posers, not really down for the cause, and perhaps were not trustworthy with knowledge of their organization and practices. As stated previously, smoking sessions frequently turned into smoking matches in amongst the Kings themselves. Nobody would ever admit that one member could smoke more than themselves. Being able to “hang” the most was a symbol of prestige itself. Practices such as coughing after a big hit, babysitting , or skipping a turn were all frowned upon and sanctioned by the group. High-C would frequently bring up a time when TBC tried to take a snapper and began coughing his lungs up. The group looked at him and laughed as High-C recanted the story claiming, “He just popped his cherry” . Another member said he had “virgin lungs.” Visibly shaken and embarrassed, TBC, in an attempt to save face retorted, “These are whore lungs. I had been smoking the whole day. I was taking real hits, not like those baby hits you guys were taking.” In addition to smoking competitions, the Kings would frequently discuss their past smoking ventures.

As stated before, smoking, smoking a lot and smoking with a bunch of different people increased social prestige within the group. Although being able to smoke massive amounts of cannabis provided a level of social prestige, using other forms of drugs in the Kings eyes, lowered social prestige. High-C in particular liked to bring up old smoking buddies who went to hard drugs and screwed up their lives. Although no member of the group could be characterized as dirt poor, rolling tables all of the members dress in a ragged style that I would characterize as new age hippy. I refer to such style as new age because none of their clothes are particularly old or that worn. Many clothing companies such as Lifted Research Group , predominantly cater to the style employed by the Kings. I did not know the letters LRG stood for cannabis until Natty pointed that out to me one day. Dress is a vital component of their identity as it allows the group to express an anti-conformist identity. Their clothes hang loose and are far too big for their size. Sandals and bare footing are common features of the group. Although, considering Costa Mesa’s proximity to the ocean, it is not that uncommon to see many ordinary people spend the majority of their daily lives in sandals. Yet, the Kings adopt sandals for both recreational and social reasons. Shoes, according to the Kings, are a symbolic restriction upon the freedom imposed by those who have power. It leads, among other things, according to the Kings, to stress, a myriad of health problems stemming from unnatural gait and social conformity. Thus, the very process of enclosing ones foot with shoes is an enclosure of the multiple arrays of human social patterns. This fact is best exemplified to the group by the fact that when they work, they are required to wear shoes. Clothes are thus used as a sign of disconformity and protest. Anthropologists frequently contend food symbolism is an important index in assessing social groups. These dietary rituals, accordingly, reflect certain moral and social ideas with which social groups adhere. The King’s diet is another distinctive feature of the group. They are semi-vegetarians, as they will not eat any animal that is not fish. They do not believe that the consumption of animals is inherently wrong or bad. Yet, they believe, as Natty explained to me once, that all animals in our modern corporate food system are corrupted and polluted by the poisons of Babylon. Food from this corporate system turns oneself into a corporate person. You are what you eat according to the group. They believed fish on the other hand, could not be touched by the machinations of Babylon. Thus, in their natural wild state, fish are natural and unpolluted. Furthermore, they believe that the American meat system promotes deforestation and pollution on part with the automobile and they try to not partake in changing the earth. However, they all understand to some degree altering the physical environment is a necessity to a degree. Furthermore, there appears to be an association between cannabis and vegetarianism as Indian dietary science actually believes that ganja makes the body hypersensitive to the poisons and toxins that comes from meat consumption . Consequently, many ganja using cultures, including this one, place a high priority on a vegetarian diet. As a result, the group members, particularly Natty Dreads, are relatively skinny even though they follow their own regulations haphazardly, as I have been in the drive through line with them at Taco Bell many times. Yet, to be fair, the food they ordered was vegetarian food, such as the seven-layer burrito. Despite this, the Kings are in relatively good health. Although they are heavy pot users and sellers, they do not consider marijuana to be a drug. In fact, they believe the opposite is the truth. They consider the modern American drug industry to be the symbolic representation of everything that is wrong with American capitalism. As Natty explained to me, “Babylon tries to fight fire with fire and poison with poison. We don’t believe poison fixes illness. Herb fixes the body through fixing the mind. Herb shows you what is wrong and helps the body heal itself. We fight fire with water and poison with antidotes.” Most if not all illnesses, according to the Kings are either directly or indirectly tied to Babylonian diet and the modern condition of what the group refers as the human zoo . Each member of the group professes to be an independent artist. TBC produces music via a computer program. Dorian plays the ukulele and guitar. The term their music Rasta funk. It sounds as if it is a cross between island reggae, modern Hawaiian music, and trance. The lyrics commonly sung over the trance like music frequently express the joy of Ganja, the love of earth, and the healing power of the plant. It is clear; the group tries to blend elements of reggae with the Grateful Dead. Perhaps the most unique part of the music is their ability to sing and write about Ganja in coded messages. In fact, very few songs explicitly use the term weed or marijuana. As one verse from a song reads: Chant down Babylon be the lesson/ we bout to gain the truth from a reason session. While in their board meetings, the Kings would frequently play their music. They told me it should be listened to high. Moreover, they claimed they would only know if it was “Dank” or not if when they listened to it high. The production and quality was low, as would be expected of any amateur musicians that use a closet in a spare room as a studio. When I asked them if they ever thought they would get big, they claimed he had no desire to become a Jay-Z. Mainstream corporate music, according to the Kings is corrupted and limited self-expression and artistic creativity.

One can get lost in the various methods of consumption and cannabis substances that have flooded the market in the past decade. The bud tenders of the collective help to clarify which strain and which method of consumption may be useful for their condition and let them know what they may expect from each substance. Although Natty and the Kings were big proponents of the hallucination, however, they frequently told me one of the major reasons why cannabis is such a miracle cure for so many different illnesses, has nothing to do with the hallucination at all. They believed that simple consumption of the plant was enough to reap many of the benefits that cannabis had to offer. Cannabis is frequently smoked or baked into edibles to release the cannabinoids. In its natural state, cannabis contains THCA. When the cannabis bud is heated, or goes through another process that causes decarboxylation, the THCA is converted in to THC. Simple consumption of the plant does not produce the desired hallucinogenic effect that many patients desire. However, the hallucination is very powerful and too powerful for many people, and some people wish to get the medical benefits without the hallucination. This is the major reason The Corner sells hemp and raw cannabis products. Hemp is a cousin of the cannabis plant and has been estimated to have been cultivated by human civilizations for nearly 12,000 years. It contains miniscule amounts of THC. Although hemp does not produce the type of hallucination as its cousin cannabis plant, it is currently illegal under national law in the U.S. to grow hemp for commercial production. However, hemp can be imported and recently president Obama signed the 2014 farm bill into law that contains an amendment that allows for hemp production for research purposes. Thus, The Corner sells a wide variety of hemp products such as seeds, hemp seed oils, vertical growing racks and hemp protein powder. Hemp protein powder, hemp seed oil and hemp seeds are all sold at the dispensary.All of the Kings believed that cannabis was God’s gift to man.

Natty gave evidence of this by citing the plants nutritional profile. Cannabis, according to Natty, “has the most concentrated balance of nutrients, vitamins, enzymes, essential fatty acids, proteins and amino acids of any plant known to man.” On top of that, it has these nutrients in the proper ratio for the human body. The seeds of the hemp plant have a perfect blend of easily digested proteins, essential fatty acids, iron, phytosterols, Vitamin Bs, potassium, zinc, fiber and Gamma Linolenic Acid GLA. It is ideal for humans to get a correct balance of omega 6 to omega 3 fatty acids; hemp seeds are the only seed that has the ideal 3 to 1 ratio of omega 6 to omega 3s. Hemp seeds have more omega 3 fatty acids than fish oils, a common supplement taken by individuals seeking to increase their omega 3 intake. Hemp seeds are also a source of all 20 known amino acids including the nine essential amino acids that body cannot produce on its own which must be consumed in a person’s diet. Hemp is also much more easily digestible than other complete protein sources such as meat and poultry. Additionally, hemp and cannabis have natural protective barriers against weeds so herbicides and other poisonous chemicals are frequently unnecessary when growing. In addition to selling hemp products, The Corner provides free leaves to anybody that wishes to extract the plant chemicals from the leaves. Again, the part of the cannabis frequently smoked by patients is the budding flower, frequently referred to as bud. The leaves also contain various chemical and compounds that have anti-cancer properties. Some patients go so far as to juice both the leaves and the bud. A Mendocino county physician named William Courtney recently popularized juicing and eating raw cannabis as a way to extract cannabis’ healing properties while avoiding what many patients consider to be an unpleasant high. Many patients I met claim, based on Courtney’s work, that cannabis in its raw, unheated, acidic form is much healthier than its converted THC form. They also claim that the amount of cannabis an individual can digest is increased nearly 100 fold.

They make this claim suggesting that in its raw unheated form, people can ingest up to 1,000 milligrams of THCA and CBDA as it will not produce a psychoactive effect. However, an individual patient could only ingest up to 10 milligrams a day of the psychoactive THC before an extreme paranoia and hallucination is produced. Others contend that in its natural acid form, the cannabinoids to do not operate on the endocannabinoid system and do not produce the same health benefits. When one uses the decaboxylated cannabinoids, one typically gets immediate relief from pain, nausea, intraocular eye relief or other ailments. The natural acidic form has no such immediate use. Indeed, Dr. Courtney himself acknowledges that juicing and eating raw cannabis takes days and sometimes even weeks before its health benefits become apparent . Others contend that eating raw cannabis is counter intuitive because it leads patients to believe they can achieve the same health outcomes without directly activating the endocannabinoid system, the system responsible for so many of the health benefits that cannabis provides. Debates rage in the medical marijuana community the same way debates rage in traditional medicine. However, the Kings stance on such acts is that cannabis in all of its manifestations is healthy and good for the human body and the world. Thus, The Corner attempts to provide various routes of administration to serve patients’ varying desires. However, the majority of people cannot afford to juice large amounts of cannabis. Thus, plant leaves and other plant materials are suggested as a way to consume large quantities of cannabis without losing a dramatic amount of money. When cannabis is ingested, the THC is metabolized in the liver. The liver converts it to a much more potent form named 11-hydroxy-THC . This form of THC is particularly effective at crossing the blood-brain barrier and brings on a very potent and effective high ; In addition to the high being much more pronounced, the high last much longer . Since cannabis if filtered through the liver, the digestive system slowly releases THC and other cannabinoids at a slow and steady pace.

Unlike some poisons that can be fixed by pumping the stomach, cannabis edibles continue to release and the only way to stop the high is to ride it out Some suggest that CBD pills could counteract the high . CBD has many healing properties other than counteracting a hallucination such as relieving convulsions, inflammation, anxiety and nausea in animal trials . Ironically, most marijuana growers sought to actively breed out the non-THC cannabinoids out of their plants with the hopes of creating extremely potent marijuana strains. The resultant effects were strains of cannabis that produced hallucinations and lacked some of the healing properties found in many other cannabinoids. A similar problem manifests when people unsuspectingly take marijuana edibles. Such is the case with many children that find brownies. Most edibles are disguised like regular candy, cookies, chocolate bars and drinks to not raise suspicion . Thus, the bud tenders make it clear how to take the plant and the appropriate context in which to use the plant. Because of their potency, and the possibility of accidental ingestion, Colorado health authorities suggested a ban on edibles . When the suggestion was made public, it was quickly shot down. The pro marking and ban camp suggested that banning or clearly marking edible products is the only way to ensure that children are not accidentally exposed to cannabis. Likewise, vertical grow room design they argue that banning or making sure edibles are marked outside of their wrappers is the only way to make sure accidental does not occur for adults as well. They point to the fact that at one Denver hospital, nine children have been admitted after accidental ingestion. Opponents of the regulations suggest that marking pot won’t prevent accidental ingestions. Moreover, they contend that it is not clear whether or not children that were admitted to hospitals for accidental ingestion ate commercial products or homemade items . Moreover, opponents of regulations claim that attempts to ban or mark edibles may lead to increases in smoking, which itself is the one of the most dangerous aspects of cannabis consumption. Likewise, many cannabis users cannot smoke cannabis for various reasons. The, most recent trend to hit the market is the use of waxes and concentrates. Concentrates are extremely potent forms of cannabis that are produced by soaking the plant in some form of solvent such as alcohol or butane to extract the cannabinoids and resin from the plant . Some people prefer this because it produces a stronger high without the burning smoke. Some of the concentrates sold at the shop are shatter, candy gummy, budder, solids and waxes. Waxes and concentrates are consumed in various methods referred to as dabbing. Dabbing can be dangerous when using a blowtorch because of the fire risk. The most recent methods use an electronic nail that heats the wax.Other trends are the use of cannabis tinctures. As was discussed in chapter two, tinctures were common in the early part of the twentieth century . The tinctures are consumed sublingually and allowed to absorb in the veins under the tongue. This is becoming an increasingly more common method among cannabis patients because it has many benefits with few of the drawbacks of edibles. Since tinctures are consumed sublingually, the effect of the cannabis is quicker than edibles and not as strong. Unlike edibles, the liver does not convert the THC to its more potent form 11-hydroxy-THC. Since the effects are felt almost immediately, patients are able to dose more accurately and do not have to wait an hour to begin to feel the effects as with edibles. Likewise, the high does not last as long as with edibles so the patient can medicate without being extremely high for the rest of the day.

Patients referred to it as a body high that would relieve pain without extreme paranoia or psychedelic hallucinations and delusions.Nevertheless, the main draw of the collective is always the bud. As Schauer et al’s article illustrates, combusted modes of cannabis use are most prevalent in the U.S. The bud is divided into three sections by type: Indicas, Sativas and Hybrids. The three sections are further broken down by quality and strength level. The best buds are typically referred to as top shelf; they tend to have the most THC, give off the strongest and sweetest smell, and have the most crystals and orange hairs. Mid shelf and bottom shelf are recommended for first time patients or patients that do not want the extreme paranoid trip that occasionally accompanies powerful cannabis strains. The tender typically attempts to describe the possible effect or high produced and the possible medical benefits of each strain. If the patient requests it, the tender occasionally helps the patient find a particular bud for a particular illness. Different strains are also used for different times of the day, with Sativas being stimulants and Indicas being sedatives. Although the distinction between Indicas and Sativas exist, most, if not all modern strains are some form of hybrid of the two with one, sativa or indicia, being dominant. However, regardless of what the tender may say, there is really no way to predict the effect or high produced within the individual, as each person is different and everybody’s high varies.Although the Kings have their own individual growing operation, the cannabis yield does not have the ability to meet the demands of the dispensary. In fact, the growing operation does not produce anywhere near the amount of cannabis needed. Because of this, The Corner collective relies on a series of cannabis distributors to stock the dispensary. As stated prior, collectives use aggregate possession of its members to confer large-scale growing privileges on behalf of the dispensary. Northern California growers and various others make shift-growing operations throughout California sell to the corner. Likewise, various representatives from companies such as Bhang Bars visit the dispensary to sell to the Kings. The relevance of the cannabis distribution system is that it illustrates that cannabis is a substantially different substance and operates as a substantially different market than other drugs.

Based on observations and data on the group, I suggest here that marijuana use is explained much more an analysis of cultural differences than through an previous criminological and sociological theories.This chapter is where I reiterated the main findings of the study. I reflected on what I learned, interesting and/or unexpected findings, and suggest what this study means for the discipline more broadly. Furthermore, given the recent changes in marijuana laws such as those enacted in Washington state and Colorado, this study has implications far beyond academia. Colorado amendment 64 and Washington State initiative 502 recently legalized the recreational use of small amounts of marijuana by adults 21 years and older. It could help to illustrate the motivations and reasons why people use drugs, and it can help to expand upon the meanings of drug use to individuals and people associated with drug cultures. My personal policy recommendations are legalization and taxation as the majority of problems associated with cannabis stem from societal reaction, and not the substance itself.Cannabis is the generic name for an adaptive and highly successful annual found growing throughout the temperate and tropical zones of the worlds. Cannabis is considered a part of its own botanical group Cannabacea, in which only it and the hop belong . Historically there has been debate about whether or not the plant is polytypic or monotypic . For the purpose of this study, we will treat Indica and Sativa as two distinct species as these are the generic names found in cannabis lingo today. However, doubts remain about the polytypic side of the argument, indoor vertical garden systems as the plant has been found capable of adjusting itself to the environment. It has been found that seeds taken from the European Cannabis Sativa plant and cultivated in India come to display some of the characteristics of the Cannabis Indica plant in just a few generations, and vice versa .

Likewise, there are no known physiological barriers to reproduction . However, physical and geographical barriers may have lead to divergent gene pools prior to human intervention . Scientific debate aside, the reason the study will treat the plant as polytypic is because growers and smokers frequently differentiate the two when discussing their potential effect. Indicas tend to be milder sedative effect, frequently referred to as a body high. Sativa on the other hand, for many, produces a more upbeat stimulating effect for the user. Many strains are hybrids that combine the two. Growers frequently combine the two to counter act the sedative negative effects of Indica and the overly paranoid and stimulating effects of Sativa. The main psychoactive component in cannabis is Tetrahydrocannabinol , although, there exist approximately 85 cannabinoids . In 1992, it was found that much the same way the brain creates opiate like substances called endorphins, the human body produces a cannabinoid like substance called an anandamide. Research shows that THC locks on to the same cell receptors as an anandamide . The endocannabinoid system is the site of much research into the medical uses of cannabis, and, like much of the rest of the human body, is not fully understood. Many researchers go so far as to claim that the fact that the human brain and body has specific cannabis receptors to claim that nature intended for humans to use the substance. Others, however, contend the substance hijacks the endocannabinoid system and disorients its users. This system is being found to be involved in an increasing numbers of pathological conditions such as neurological, cardiovascular, gastrointestinal, reproductive disorders and disorders of cancer .

Consequently, increasing research is being focused on how to influence this system. Cannabis is unique in its hallucinogenic properties. Plants that contain psychoactive compounds are archetypally separated into two categories. The first category, psychotropic drugs operate by affecting the central nervous system. The second, psychotomimetic, affect the mind, altering perception and reality. The cannabis plant and its cannabinoids fit neither classification properly , although some scholars contend it is of the latter . Most psychotomimetic drugs are alkaloids. However, cannabis is a non-nitrogenous substance that is unique to the plant itself. The fact that the cannabis plant operates upon the endocannabinoid system makes it non-lethal at any dose . Unlike, opiate derivatives, coca derivatives and alcohol, the cannabis plant acts upon receptors that do not control life support functions of the body or the brain such as breathing or the beating of the heart. Thus, no dosage of cannabis can cause death. It is estimated that an average individual would have to smoke approximately 800 joints to die from cannabis use, and the corresponding death would likely be the result of carbon monoxide poison rather than the THC or cannabinoids themselves. Alternative routes of administration would not produce death. The majority of the THC is synthesized in and found in the resin of the plant . The plant is frequently smoked with the bud resin and seeds intact, yet the resin can be separated from the plant and made into a highly concentrated version mixture termed hashish or hash oil. Both male and female plants produce the resin that contains the majority of the psychoactive cannabinoid THC. This resin is produced in much vaster amounts in the female plant than the male. Production of this resin in the female plants continues to increase until the female reaches maturity and it ceases brusquely. Modern marijuana growers frequently isolate male Cannabis plants from females to produce a more powerful, abundant and psychoactive resin.

The function of the resin in the cannabis plant is the speculation of heavy debate. Some scholars suggest the intoxicating resin operates to disorient would be prey. This theory seems unlikely as insects, humans, and other animals are frequently drawn to the plant. Likewise, the fact that THC is not present until the plant flowers makes this theory all the more unlikely. Others however, suggest the hallucinogenic effect of the plant was an evolutionary adaptation to induce human beings to spread the plant throughout the world, much the same way nectar producing plants induces the bumblebee to crosspollinate plants on its behalf . Origins of the Plant Since the plant predates written human history, the exact origin of the cannabis plant is unknown. The plant flourished widely in both Asia and Africa with most scholars contending the plant originated in the temperate zone of Central Asia . Such an area provided the perfect climate for the evolution of Cannabis as the winds provided a vehicle for pollination. Furthermore, the winds may have aided its distributions to surrounding areas. The fact that Cannabis plant was one of the first plants to be cultivated by humankind further complicates its origins as present-day areas of wild growth may have resulted from prehistoric cultivation and trade. What is certain is that the discovery of cannabis occurred early on in human history. For millennia, cannabis has been used for everything from clothing to paper to rope to food. Furthermore, it is logical to assume the hallucinogenic properties of the plant were discovered early on in its history. Humans were nomadic living off the land and would eat and experiment with all types of substances. It would not have taken long for humans to discover its mind bending and medicinal properties and turn it into, as many cultures did, a religious and spiritual sacrament. Although we conceptualize hallucinogenic plants and substances in a general negative light in today’s society, primitive man may have had a very different relationship with such an experience. It is plausible to assume the superstitious nature early humans may have lead them to believe it was a magical plant that had the ability to alter the very nature of reality itself . Although it is arguable whether or not the plant has the ability to alter reality, it certainly appears to alter people’s perception of reality, thereby altering an individual’s understanding reality itself. As various post-modern social constructivist scholars have pointed out, the reality we experience is as much a product of ourselves as it is anything external to us. The view of cannabis as a magical plant would likely have become a staple of religious practice and its medicinal value would have been learned not long after. Indeed, many cannabis users I have had the pleasure of speaking to argued that the plant itself, altering reality spurred human creativity and imagination, and was the reason human thought and human consciousness took such leaps and bounds approximately 12,000 years ago, plant drying rack although no scientific evidence suggest such an assertion. Stoner culture is actually abound with these types of theories. The first written records and archeological evidence suggest that the cannabis plant was being cultivated at the dawn of Chinese civilization.

The first semi-scientific investigation of the cannabis plant is attributed to the Chinese Emperor, and father of Chinese medicine, Shen Nung of the third millennium B.C.E. Shen Nung is credited with the testing of plants for the medicinal quality. It is rumored he turned green and died of self-administered accidental poisoning unrelated to cannabis. Shen Nung Pen Ts’ao Ching text was the first Chinese pharmacopeia . The Pen Ts’ao Ching recommended the use of cannabis to treat a wide range of ailments from gout to malaria. It has traditionally been documented in China’s pharmacopeia.The use of Cannabis spread west out of China to the Indian sub-content carried by traders. The ritual use of cannabis in religious practice in India spans back thousands of years and is a recurring theme in India’s history . Legend has it that the plant was created when the gods stirred the heavenly oceans with the peak of Mount Mandara. From the stirring, a drop of nectar fell to the earth and the cannabis plant sprouted. Other legends suggest that the God Shiva brought cannabis down from the Himalayas for the pleasure of mankind . In many traditions of Hinduism, Shiva is one of the five primary forms of God. Shiva takes on many forms, as he is frequently depicted as an omniscient Yogi that lives an ascetic life as well as a slayer of demon. However, above all, if frequently thought of as the destroyer of worlds. Shiva destroys the world to create a better one . Shiva is According to folklore, the god Shiva went into the fields and laid under a cannabis plant for shade. Then, being hungry, he ate some of it and it became his favorite food . Indian cannabis was originally reserved for Brahmin priests and Hindu holy men. Such men of creed and conviction believed cannabis took them closer to enlightenment and the gods. Likewise, cannabis was recommended as an aid in ritualistic Tantric sexual yoga. Cannabis was not considered an aphrodisiac, yet it was believed that cannabis had the ability to lift one into a higher state of consciousness that could enhance sexuality and sexual union. Gross described the Indians practice of smoking cannabis as, a symbolic ritual in which the sadhu4 absorb the substance and essence in order to become one with Him. For centuries it is believed that Cannabis was the plant used in the creation of Soma, a plant mentioned several hundred times in hymns and chants in the Rig Veda . Many claimed soma helped to spur the development of the Hindu religion. Modern scholars however, contend the actual substance was ephedra sinica or the fly agaric mushroom . Considering cannabis’ prevalence in Hindu religious practice, and the religious practice of so many cultures throughout the world, I suggest such a hypothesis needs reexamination. Furthermore, ritualistic cannabis use is still practiced in India in a form of a drink called Bhang. Moreover, some Shiva followers in South India still claim that the Vedic soma was the same as their current soma Bhang drink. Bhang is a tea made of cannabis leaves, milk, sugar and other assorted herbs and spices. The steps used in the preparation of Bhang are the essentially the same steps used in the preparation of the ancient soma. Cannabis in current context is commonly referred to as “sattvik nasha” translated as “peaceful intoxication” . Although highly contentious and open to debate, many scholars have suggested that Judaism, and as a consequence, the practice of the major three monotheistic religions , all have connections with cannabis. According to several scholars, Sula Benet being the most prominent, cannabis was an ingredient in the Holy anointing oil mentioned in the bible and other sacred Hebrew texts.

If this pattern is indeed driven by space use intensity, there are many possible explanations— for instance, perhaps these species, in an attempt to avoid cannabis farms, end up concentrated in smaller areas. The results for deer are at least partially consistent with other studies that indicate they generally have a neutral occupancy response to human presence and footprint, but have an increased intensity of use response . Another potential emerging pattern is the possible behavioral flexibility of some mesopredator/omnivore species, lending limited support to our alternative hypothesis that omnivores would display greater variation in space use responses. While less consistent across all omnivores than the pattern with herbivores and ground birds above, gray fox, striped skunk, and raccoons all displayed different potential ability to use the space on and nearby cannabis farms. Fox occupancy probability decreased with distance to cannabis, implying a potential attraction to cannabis farms. Raccoon and striped skunk detection probability decreased with distance to cannabis, implying that they may have a higher space use intensity near to cannabis farms. This is consistent with other studies that demonstrate that these species are often behaviorally flexible and able to coexist in human-dominated spaces . This association with mesopredator use of human spaces is also often explained via mesopredator release, when larger predators avoid an area of disturbance and thereby open a niche for smaller predators . What is interesting is that in this case, however, our alternative hypothesis that carnivores would avoid farms was not supported, and predators largely did not respond to cannabis. Bear and coyote occupancy and detection did not respond to cannabis, 4×8 botanicare tray and although puma did not have enough detections to include in the single species models, one was photographed in the middle of one of our study farms.

Bobcat detection probability did increase with distance from cannabis farm but did not have a meaningful occupancy response. In fact, all four of these large predators were photographed at least once in the middle of a cannabis farm . Also interesting is that there was not a clear pattern of response for small mammal species that might be prey for the mesopredators. Unlike our alternative hypothesis that predicted a general attraction for all small mammals to cannabis farms, tree squirrels and ground squirrels had opposing responses. Tree squirrel occupancy increased with detection from cannabis farms, indicating avoidance, while ground squirrel occupancy decreased. For ground squirrels, our models suggest that while they are frequently found near cannabis farms, their space use intensity may be lower closer to farms. Again, there may be multiple reasons for this, but one possibility is that cannabis farms are being developed on ideal ground squirrel habitat, and while the squirrels have not yet relocated away from the farms, they are not as active on these sites due to the disturbance associated with the farms. Alternatively, cannabis farms may be creating new habitat for ground squirrels by clearing vegetation and irrigating the land, and the lower detection may simply reflect lower population densities as fewer individuals have discovered the new sites. It would be interesting to see whether these patterns change over time.This study has many limitations that are important to acknowledge. First, cannabis production comes in many forms in different locations, and this study does not represent all of them. This study is most applicable for small-scale and mixed light outdoor cannabis cultivation occurring on private lands in legacy production regions of the rural Western US. It is very likely that larger farms would have a greater impact on wildlife than those included in this study, or that farms developed in areas with existing agriculture might have less, or different kinds of effects.

Because cannabis production is often unique from other forms of agriculture, these types of observational studies are valuable and merit repeating in different contexts. Next, we recognize we are applying occupancy modeling for a purpose that it was not directly designed for, and in doing so, we are violating multiple assumptions of the model. The use of occupancy modeling to assess space use relationships is increasingly common in wildlife studies , and we have done our best to account for the violation of assumptions in our modeling approach. Ultimately, we have confidence in our results. For example, we included domestic dogs because their space use patterns are already well understood on the landscape. That the models reflect our understanding of reality on the ground for this domestic species gives us confidence in the results for the unknown wild species. One major limitation of our approach to interpreting detection as a combination of detectability and space use intensity is that the two are not entirely separable. We have included covariates that we believe address one aspect more than the other, but there could be unaccounted for detectability variables that confound our interpretation of space use intensity. More caution should therefore be taken when interpreting the detection results compared to the occupancy results. Future studies might be able to help disentangle some of these effects by examining temporal activity patterns of wildlife in addition to space use intensity. Finally, these data are all observational, and therefore cannot address specific mechanisms by which cannabis may affect local wildlife. Future studies isolating potential mechanisms of deterrence and attraction would help elucidate some of the species-specific behaviors documented in this study . Understanding the pathways by which wildlife respond to disturbance is critical for mitigating the impacts of anthropogenic change . It is well understood that wildlife respond to human disturbance in complex ways, which can have individual, population, and community effects .

To piece apart these complex interactions, it can be useful to isolate particular sources of disturbance and their effects on wildlife. Two sources of disturbance that have been identified as major anthropogenic drivers of wildlife behavioral change are light and noise pollution. Artificial light at night is an increasing global phenomenon, with the coverage of outdoor areas illuminated by artificial light increasing by 2.2% per year . This global increase in light can have far ranging consequences across taxa, including by causing animal disorientation, and by disrupting behavior or interactions . Noise pollution has been less studied than light pollution, however, the effects of noise on wildlife are also global, and may have individual, population, and community level impacts including disrupted reproductive signaling or prey vigilance, and added cumulative stress . Controlled experiments provide a powerful tool for exploring causal relationships between disturbance sources, such as light and sound, and wildlife responses . Experiments on noise and light effects are typically focused on individual species or taxa, but field experiments in particular offer an opportunity to study interactive effects of noise and light pollution . However, this approach is largely under-utilized, due to the logistical challenges of implementing such studies . Here, I describe an experimental approach to studying the separate and interactive effects of point source noise and light pollution on multi-taxa wildlife communities. Specifically, my approach applies a comprehensive experimental design to understand the effects of noise and light pollution commonly associated with cannabis farming. Recreational cannabis production in the western United States has been increasing rapidly following state-level legalization . Influenced by its illicit history, outdoor cannabis is often grown in remote and bio-diverse regions with minimal other non-timber agriculture . In these legacy systems, the proximity of cannabis to wilderness areas may lead to unusual disturbance patterns associated with cannabis cultivation where relatively small point source disturbances are surrounded by a matrix of more intact vegetation . Outdoor and mixed light cannabis farming presents a particular concern for environmental impacts because of their use of bright lights and loud equipment such as generators and fans . Observational research indicates that cannabis production is likely to affect wildlife space use . However, current research has not distinguished between sources of disturbance on cannabis farms, which is critical for designing appropriate interventions, including policy, to mitigate the effect of these disturbances. In this study, I designed and implemented an experiment to investigate the individual and combined effects of light and noise from cannabis farms on local wildlife. I was particularly interested in the impact of new developing farms in rural areas. To approach this question, I designed a series of experimental field trials that mimic light and sound disturbance from outdoor, greenhouse, flood table for greenhouse and mixed light cannabis production, and a monitoring array to measure resulting wildlife responses. The preliminary results of this effort to design and trial a comprehensive study of anthropogenic noise and light effects on wildlife are promising. Results to date suggest that this experimental design may be sufficiently rigorous, with enough sampling to quantify relationships and thresholds for different taxonomic groups in their response to experimental light and noise treatments that mimic conditions on cannabis farms. While more data needs to be collected, sorted, and analyzed, the study design detailed here may be sufficient for this study’s objectives and useful for other researchers interested in community responses to disturbance. Preliminary visualizations indicate that there will likely be species- and taxa- specific responses to each disturbance treatment. These results provide an early indication that I may be able to capture fairly fine-scale responses of at least medium-large mammals and flying insects. Current results mainly provide insights on response to light treatments, since there were fewer sound and combined light/sound trials in the first season of data collection. Considering I have not yet implemented more complex modeling to account for seasonal variations or other covariates, it is surprising that there is already an indication of mammalian avoidance and flying insect attraction to light treatments, providing limited support for hypothesized relationships.

Future analysis of these data will involve more complex Generalized Linear Mixed Model approaches, as has been used in other studies on light and noise effects on wildlife . This will allow me to account for seasonal variation or other covariates, examine potential habituation effects over time, and incorporate decibel and light intensity measurements at each site. Its just after 9 p.m. on a cold night in Shreverport Louisiana. A homeless African American man, Fate Winslow, approaches a man on the street and asks him what he is looking for. The man however, is no ordinary individual, the man that Fate approaches is an undercover cop. The cop tells him he wants two bags and promises him a $5 commission. Being homeless and in need of a meal for the night, Fate takes the officers money and returns with two bags of marijuana, after which he is ushered into the backseat of a patrol car. Three months later, Winslow is found guilty of selling a schedule 1 narcotic and is sentenced to life in a hard prison camp without the possibility of parole. Winston’s fate to die behind bars for a miniscule amount of pot is hard to believe, but it is not unique. While it would be comforting to think Fate’s was the only of its kind, unfortunately, this is not the case. As of August 2013, there are approximately 3,278 people serving life sentences without the possibility of parole for non –violent offenses according to the American Civil Liberties Union 2013 report. And, 79% of those individuals are sentenced for non-violent drug offenses . This reality is ever more shocking when considering that 23 states have legalized the medical use of marijuana, and 3 states and the District of Columbia, have legalized cannabis for recreational purposes for individuals over the age of 21. What do we make of this perplexing contradictory view of marijuana as medicine on one hand, and a criminal substance so abhorrent that we need to lock up users and sellers for the rest of their lives on the other?Some revere cannabis as the vehicle to spiritual enlightenment and consciousness , while others consider it to be a direct revelation from God . Many advocates claim marijuana has various health benefits all the way from the treatment of asthma, multiple sclerosis, nausea and glaucoma . Still, others condemned it as the road to perdition . How are we to understand these perplexing, polarizing and seemingly contradictory opinions of a plant that has no acute dangerous effects and which has caused no known overdoses ? People have reported feeling more relaxed and peaceful and that their thoughts were more profound and deeper .

Previous attempts to assess the drivers of cannabis land use or predict the current or future distribution of cannabis production have relied heavily on biophysical and bio-climatic models, using variables such as slope, forest land cover, distance to streams, aspect, canopy cover, and precipitation . These models have demonstrated that compared to other forms of farming, cannabis is generally less influenced or predicted by biophysical variables . This is unsurprising, however, given that social and cultural variables are likely to profoundly shape the spatial distribution of cannabis production. For example, depending on the production style, a cannabis farmer might forgo a less bio-physically ideal production area in order to stay concealed, or to grow near hospitable neighbors or close to other cannabis farmers with whom they can share labor or knowledge. Thus, social variables may be relatively more predictive of cannabis industry dynamics than biophysical variables. Ultimately, bridging social and ecological knowledge may be key to understanding the spatial dynamics of cannabis land use. Integrating a more complete social-ecological context into models of land use presents multiple challenges. First, it requires an in-depth understanding of the system to be modeled. In the case of cannabis agriculture, its illicit history is an impediment to research. Federal restrictions on research funding to study an illicit crop have meant that there are few studies to draw on for characterizing patterns or trends in cannabis production, particularly on private lands . Given the lack of formal research on the fledgling recreational cannabis industry, those who understand the industry best are likely those engaged in it directly. Thus, rolling grow trays interviews of cannabis farmers may be a particularly valuable approach for identifying and understanding potential drivers of cannabis land use.

Interviews come with weaknesses, however; small or biased interview pools may fail to uncover the most important drivers of cannabis land use, or farmers themselves may be unable or unwilling to articulate the drivers that are most relevant to their landscape-scale decision-making. The second major challenge to integrating social and ecological understandings into land use models is that some potential drivers may not readily lend themselves to quantitative analysis. The transformation of qualitative knowledge into quantitative data is an inherent challenge for many interdisciplinary studies that attempt to merge opposing ontologies. For example, translating attitudes or perceptions into numerical data is a longstanding dilemma in quantitative social science where doing so risks losing context and being misunderstood . Nonetheless, integrating environmental modeling with social, economic and political drivers will enhance our understanding of system dynamics . n order to both generate a list of potential land use drivers, and to interpret and contextualize model results, we conducted semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 14 cannabis farmers in Josephine County in 2019. Farmers had to be over the age of 21, but could be engaged in any type of cannabis production on private land, whether licensed or unlicensed. Interviews were conducted by the same researcher for consistency, while living in Josephine County over a two year period. We interviewed farmers about drivers of cannabis land use, farming practices, influences on production methods, and farmer connection with the land. Although some farmers were also producing cannabis under a hemp license, we focused our questions on the cannabis industry because the hemp industry in Josephine County largely emerged after 2018, which is after the mapped data were collected. 

We initially used known contacts in formal and informal cannabis producer networks, invited voluntary participation, and thereafter used a snowball recruitment method. We continued interviews until we reached saturation , at which point we considered the number of farmers interviewed to be sufficient. Because of the difficulties in attaining a representative sample of all cannabis farmers in the region, these interviews were viewed as generative rather than representative of all producers in the area. Interviews were recorded with permission, alongside hand written notes. Most interviews took place on the cannabis farm, or another location selected by the farmer, and often included a tour of the farm. Interviews typically lasted 2 hours, but ranged between 1 – 8 hrs, depending on the time constraints and preferences of the interviewee. All interviews were conducted under UC Berkeley Human Subjects Protocol CPHS# 2018-11-11619. We summarized interviews, grouped main themes or concepts, and transcribed quotes that represented the key emerging themes. We did not conduct a formal coding process because our purpose was largely generative. We then used these summaries to identify potential quantitative variables for our land use models. One of the most common factors mentioned in farmer interviews was the importance of community, both in terms of their connection to other cannabis farmers as well as to their surrounding neighbors. For example, in the quote above, the farmer was describing how his relationship with his neighbors instilled a sense of both community and responsibility that translated into on-the-ground decisions he made on his farm, such as when or how to use grow lights. The interviewed farmers explained that having a good relationship with neighbors was critical for surviving in the industry, regardless of whether they were licensed or not. In addition, they described that best growing practices were often communicated through social networks, both online and in person, and so they often relied on other cannabis farmers for advice or assistance.

Interviewed farmers explained that cultural norms dictated practices, which in Josephine County are often influenced by legacy production styles and attitudes. Some farmers also mentioned the advantage of being able to help each other with labor when living close to other farmers. In translating this theme into quantitative variables for potential land use drivers, we focused on farmer reliance on other local cannabis producers. We quantified proximity to other cannabis farms by calculating the smallest non-zero distance from each parcel to the nearest cannabis farm both pre- and post-legalization, using the ‘st_nn’ function from the nngeo package for R . This package calculates the k-nearest neighbor distance between features. We calculated a large number of neighbor distances for each parcel, then selected the minimum distance excluding all zero values. We also attempted to estimate neighborhood tolerance for cannabis farming. To do so, we used the density of cannabis within a 1 km radius around each parcel both pre- and post-legalization as our spatial proxy. Cannabis production in Josephine County is clustered at multiple spatial scales and so any distance threshold that represents a localized area might be appropriate, but we chose 1 km because this generally encompasses a local neighborhood. Using the sf package in R, we generated buffers around parcel centroids, intersected them with centroids of cannabis sites, and then converted the count to density by dividing by buffer area. All farmers interviewed expressed personal values related to environmental stewardship. In the context of the quote above, the farmer was comparing his impact from cannabis farming to nearby clear cut logging, and explaining his deep conviction that his style of land use was environmentally sustainable compared to larger industrial and extractive land uses. In the opening quote from the introduction, “Money actually does grow on trees out here, and that’s a blessing,” a different farmer expressed similar sentiments, horticulture trays connecting his farming to both nature and livelihood/profit, while expressing gratitude that the place itself, Josephine County, enabled that relationship. Many of the interviewed farmers explained that their motivations for growing cannabis stemmed from a desire to connect with the land or nature, although only a few had been farmers before cultivating cannabis. Interviewees often mentioned that the ruralness of Josephine County was an attraction because of its biodiversity. Many farmers reported personal connections with and fondness for the wildlife on their production sites. Many also expressed concerns about ecological damage from the cannabis industry. For example, farmers highlighted concerns about pesticide or rodenticide use, trash/plastic waste, animals caught in netting, water pollution , excessive water withdrawals, waterway diversion, imported soils, clearcuts, and paving. Multiple farmers raised concerns that the state or county regulatory process did not support environmental stewardship, and some expressed concerns that following regulations made it more difficult to practice what they saw as sustainable or regenerative farming practices such as intercropping, or crop rotation. The interviewed farmers generally considered themselves as having less impactful growing practices than other cannabis producers in the region, while farmer descriptions and farm visits both demonstrated a wide variety of production practices across all farms. Farmers mentioned the need for more crop research, information-sharing, and stronger norms around acceptable environmental practices.

While this theme did not translate easily into quantifiable spatial proxies, we focused on farmers’ expressed desire to grow in remote areas because of the opportunity to work the land in proximity to wild flora and fauna. We quantified this ruralness using the Human Footprint layer, which combines data on the built environment, population density, night-time lights, crop and pasture lands, roads and railways, and navigable waterways to create an index of direct and indirect human pressures at a 1 km2 resolution. We extracted the mean human impact value for each parcel using the exactextractr package in R . There was a wide range of responses regarding the importance of regulation for farmer decision making. In the quote above, the farmer explained how some aspects of regulation were more impactful to his daily farm management decisions than others as he navigated the licensed industry. Most farmers did not perceive that enforcement influenced their land use decisions, although the farmers navigating the licensed recreational market said that regulations were often their first consideration. One unlicensed farmer compared law enforcement to wildfire risk, explaining both as factors that were constant background risks but ultimately outside of his control. There was widespread confusion and frustration with the regulations around recreational cannabis. Multiple farmers said that they started growing hemp, or had considered growing hemp, to avoid the legal hurdles of recreational cannabis. Others raised questions about what the new recreational market would mean for medical producers. Some interviewees mentioned that a rural location made things easier from an enforcement perspective, particularly in avoiding the Grants Pass area . Even those who were attempting to navigate the legal industry expressed that it was useful to be less closely monitored because of the difficulty in complying with all regulations, the time needed to demonstrate compliance, or fear that they may be breaking rules without knowing it. To translate the preference for distance from law enforcement into a spatial driver, we estimated this both with ruralness as well as the straight line distance from the Grants Pass Sheriff’s office to each parcel using the sf package in R . However, because these measurements were significantly correlated, we ultimately dropped distance to law enforcement as a variable in our models. There were also a number of regulatory designations that cannabis farmers discussed as important when considering where to grow. Water rights were considered critical for legal production but specifics of parcel-level rights were often hard to acquire or interpret. Water rights were not generally discussed by unlicensed farmers, but water access, storage, and application were all considered critical. Because of the mixed response to regulated water use, we assessed water access as part of Parcel Qualities below, rather than in Regulation. The shifting policies in Josephine County around zoning restrictions, particularly for Rural Residential zones, led farmers to identify exclusive farm zoned parcels as the safest and highest quality lands for cannabis production. One farmer also mentioned Farm Resource zoned properties. To translate this into a land use driver, we created a binary variable that assigned a ‘1’ to each parcel that was zoned for either EF or FR zones and a 0 for those that did not. Zoning information was provided by Josephine County . Farmers identified multiple biophysical properties of parcels that factored into decisions about where to produce cannabis. In the quote above, the farmer was expressing confusion as to why some cannabis producers selected parcels that required a large labor input to clear or terrace land to begin farming, when other, more open parcels seemed to him to be a more ideal choice. In addition to open/cleared areas with access to sunlight, some of the other factors mentioned included relatively flat slopes, and medium elevation zones as helpful qualities for production.

The results reported here may also be used to inform program development, adaptation, and implementation in settings with similar regional attributes. Additionally, findings may be consulted for how such a program may be adapted in larger school districts that have RJPs integrated into current disciplinary policies but may incorporate these approaches into protocols for addressing drug-related incidents. This study is also unique in that it employed the collection of both quantitative and qualitative data on student experiences with the RJP program. These methods have been noted as a critical data collection strategy for evaluating RJP programs, but not has been a common practice in other RJP program evaluations. Other studies have examined stakeholder and participant experiences, but mostly within the context of specific program components not for the program in its entirety. Darling-Hammond and colleagues utilized state-wide data from CHKS to assess student experiences with restorative programs overall; however, individual-level experiences were not considered.26Findings from this intermediate evaluation reveal that RAYS is on track to meet the majority of target goals and objectives with respect to the process and outcome measures set by NCSOS prior to the program’s launch. Although harm perceptions remained stable or slightly decreased, most enrollees reported decreased use rates from pretest to posttest. This may have implications for program adaptations and the need for further assessment of harm perceptions via pretests and posttests for the harm reduction classes specifically. Nonetheless, harm perceptions of substances among RAYS students does align with other studies examining youth harm perceptions of AOD use. The implementation of RAYS seemed to also have an impact on resource awareness among enrollees with a majority indicating an increased recognition of services and support at their sites.

Furthermore, hemp drying racks suspension counts for Nevada County sites implementing RAYS decreased substantially from pre- to post-launch of the program. In comparison to schools not implementing the program, RAYS schools have fared better in terms of the counts of overall and drug-related suspensions. Additionally, the majority of enrollees reported having had positive experiences with RAYS, peer advocates, and the various program components. Qualitative data highlighted individual-level perceptions of the program in addition to providing more insight into how student experiences with program components may inform future adaptations.The current study provides a firsthand look into findings from an intermediate evaluation of an RJP program as an alternative to punitive measures to address drug-related disciplinary incidents. Despite limitations with data access and sample size, findings from this report are promising with respect to program impacts on adolescent AOD use behaviors, resource awareness, and shifts in the number of disciplinary incidents. To optimize the effectiveness of the formal evaluation, it is recommended that site-level data on individual disciplinary incidents are obtained versus utilizing publicly available data from the CDE’s repository. Furthermore, more effort is needed to increase the posttest response rate in order to ensure data for the majority of enrollees is properly captured to assess the effectiveness of the program on individual behavioral factors. Additionally, school-wide surveys to assess program awareness and support among school staff and students should also be implemented to measure changes in these variables over time. Future evaluative studies of RJP programs with substance use components should consider the inclusion of a control group to allow for the examination of differences in outcome measures between schools implementing RJP approaches versus those that are not. This would help to better inform whether RJP approaches are indeed an optimal alternative to address adolescent AOD use behaviors and related disciplinary incidents.

Land use change is one of the greatest threats to wildlife worldwide—globally, it can remove and alter habitat, or disrupt wildlife interactions . A major challenge for conservation involves navigating the negative environmental repercussions of land use change alongside the needs for human agriculture and development . This means that studying land use change fundamentally engages the role of humans within ecological systems and processes . Research has increasingly focused on human impacts on surrounding ecosystems, revealing complex interactions and consequences . However, mechanistic understanding, universal rules, or consistent predictions are difficult to define, and more context-based research is needed, especially in systems early in the process of land use transition. To understand why, it is important to start with the recent history of cannabis cultivation in the western US. For decades, cannabis was grown illegally in rural areas of California, Oregon, and Washington as part of the back-to-the-land movement . These were remote areas that allowed counter-culture communities to reinvent themselves, but which also happened to host some of the nation’s highest biodiversity . The industry remained surreptitious and small-scale for many years, while ongoing law enforcement and the US “war on drugs” tried unsuccessfully to eliminate the practice . Then, the ground shifted with recreational legalization. Oregon passed recreational Adult Use cannabis legalization in the fall of 2015, and California followed suit a year later, riding a wave of recreational legalization measures that eventually passed across 19 states in the US. Very rapidly, this policy change initiated land use development for cannabis , first in areas with a history of cultivation, and later, into new regions. This shift in development was accompanied by subtle shifts in motives and philosophy behind cannabis cultivation – as one of the farmers I interviewed for Chapter 2 put it, “The quest for the all mighty dollar got in the way of the spiritual cycle of the plant.” Along with these rapid changes came calls of concern for potential environmental impacts . However, the illicit history of cannabis meant that there was very little existing research on cannabis-environment interactions, and many gaps in baseline data .

To address this brewing conservation crisis, I focused my dissertation on the ecological outcomes of cannabis legalization. I was specifically interested in studying private land cannabis development in rural areas with a history of pre-legalization cultivation . In these regions, legalization has spurred major private land development for cannabis alongside high biodiversity and few other crop based agricultural land uses. The focus on small-scale outdoor private land cannabis cultivation sets my dissertation apart from other studies which have focused on public land production , indoor cultivation , or large scale cannabis development in emerging regions . Each style of cultivation has its own ecological risks and social, economic, and ecological tradeoffs . However, private-land outdoor cannabis production in rural legacy regions provides the best opportunity to study land use consequences for wildlife communities within a social-ecological context. I approach legacy cannabis landscapes as an intertwined social-ecological system . The history and context of cannabis, described in part above, influences the development of cannabis as land use drivers . These drivers in turn shape the ways in which the associated cannabis land use change affects local ecosystems. The ecological impacts can feed back into the land use drivers by way of social attitudes towards nature, or changes in regulation and enforcement. All these interactions are influenced by the shift in overarching policy brought by recreational legalization. Each of my chapters addresses different components in this system, going from a broad to fine scale. My first chapter generates baseline descriptive data on cannabis land use and examines its broad scale overlap with wildlife habitat in southern Oregon . I use publicly available satellite imagery to characterize the development patterns of outdoor and greenhouse cannabis land use in Josephine County, Oregon, during the first year of recreational legalization. I then examine the overlap of cannabis production with potentially sensitive ecological features, including predator distributions and salmonid habitat. This broad overview provides a baseline to understand patterns of cannabis development relative to all available private lands. It also identifies areas where overlap may create potential for wildlife impacts . My second chapter adds depth and context to the baseline data provided in the first chapter, industrial rolling racks by examining the drivers of cannabis land use change before and after legalization . I use interview data with cannabis farmers to generate social and ecological covariates for models of cannabis land use and land use change. I interpret model results using the themes from the interviews and discuss possible conservation implications. The third chapter moves to a finer spatial scale, investigating how the overlap presented in Chapter 1 affects wildlife on and surrounding cannabis farms in southern Oregon . I use wildlife cameras to monitor animal space use and space use intensity as a function of distance to cannabis farms. I also identify general patterns of response by functional groups. Finally, the fourth chapter presents a research design to investigate potential mechanisms for the wildlife responses observed in Chapter 3. I detail the methods for field experiments that measure the effects of light and noise on multi-taxa wildlife responses, mimicking conditions on active cannabis farms in a controlled setting. I present example data from field trials conducted in northern California. Taken together, these chapters present multiple approaches to understanding the ecological outcomes of cannabis legalization. More generally, research on cannabis agriculture can provide insights on the intersections between rapid changes in human land use and wildlife communities, especially at rural-wild land interfaces.

By taking a multi-scalar approach to understanding a unique industry at a critical moment in time, I hope this dissertation sheds light on land use change processes to help promote human-wildlife coexistence in an ever-changing world.Land use change is one of the oldest and most pervasive threats to global biodiversity , yet it often occurs over time spans that obscure pattern , or in tandem with multiple development drivers that are difficult to disentangle . An exception to this is when abrupt changes in law or regulation accelerate development, creating what is known as a “policy-induced rapid land use change frontier” . The acceleration of development at these frontiers enables researchers to assess how land-use change affects biodiversity or ecosystem function over short time periods . One such unique opportunity to study land use change frontiers has emerged recently in the western United States of America with the legalization of cannabis production and use . Over the past decade, 17 states and the District of Columbia in the U.S. have legalized recreational cannabis, or marijuana , and the rate of recreational legalization has increased over that time. This policy change has initiated rapid development of cannabis cultivation, particularly in areas with a history of illicit or medical cannabis farming . Note that because of the complex policy background of cannabis and its quasi-legal status , this expansion occurs across types of cultivation including licensed and unlicensed producers. As with any development frontier, the rapid expansion of recreational cannabis is likely to come with ecological costs. Indeed, cannabis production has sparked considerable conservation concern for its potential effects on water, land, and wildlife . These effects may occur in part through water withdrawals that lower freshwater availability , road construction or use of pesticides that lower freshwater quality , clearing or fencing of undeveloped land that removes or degrades wildlife habitat , toxicants or poaching that directly kill animals and pose particular risk to terrestrial carnivores like the fisher , and human disturbance that alters animal behavioral cues . These five impact pathways likely vary depending on surrounding context, production practices, and license status, but provide a general guideline for potential ecological effects . Much of the existing research on ecological effects of cannabis has focused on illicit production on public lands . However, private land production is quickly becoming a dominant source of cannabis in the western U.S. while illegal public land production in the region either appears to be declining , shifting, or possibly increasing in some areas with increased enforcement . Private land cannabis cultivation appears to generally follow one of two development trajectories . The first pathway consists of many, smaller farms in rural areas with a history of illicit or medical cultivation . The second path is dominated by fewer, larger farms in new areas more conducive to large-scale, industrial farming . Note that although the legacy pathway is characterized by historical growing practices, this form of production can also expand with emerging development frontiers. Research on these development trajectories in California suggests that, although both trajectories are expanding, the legacy pathway may require policy intervention if it is to fully transition to, and persist in, the legal industry .

The carbon footprint of embedded water in Califtornia’s agricultural products has not been thoroughly studied before. However, related topics have been on the table to solve the sustainable development problems. This research tries to find out the energy consumption of the water embedded in the exported agricultural products from Califtornia. It also aims to figure out the nation scale distribution of the carbon footprint that was studied in this research. The results show that the water footprint of the agricultural products is around 22.3 Gm3 and the total carbon footprint is 8.9 million metric tons of CO2. The top three regions that have the highest water and carbon footprint are European Union 27, China, and Japan. We studied the carbon footprint by researching the water footprint of all the agricultural products. Based on the energy usage per unit water sources published by the Califtornia Energy Commission and the global average water footprint of agricultural products from previous work , we calculated the carbon-equivalent of the agricultural products’ carbon footprint. And based on the result that the carbon footprint of the embedded water of agricultural products is only 2% of the total carbon budget with the water footprint contributes to 25% of the total, we believe that Califtornia has performed well in managing the energy in agriculture-water area, but it still has improvement space in the management of the water resource.The carbon footprint is defined as a measurement of the total amount of carbon dioxide emission that is directly and indirectly caused by an activity or is accumulated over the liftetime of a product. Due to its impact on the environmental issues such as global warming, the carbon footprint is the hot topic in the field of environmental science. Virtual water trade refers to the hidden flow of water if food or other agricultural products are traded from one place to another. At the same time, square black flower bucket wholesale virtual water is related to the carbon footprint directly and indirectly.

Some studies have focused on the virtual water trade aiming to conserve water in the production of crops by increasing product export to areas with less water needs . In this effort, the research on virtual water of agricultural products has the potential to reduce economic costs, where water withdrawals may have greater impacts on water-lacking regions than on water-abundant regions. However, few studies have analyzed the internal virtual water flow dynamics of the U.S. on a state or regional scale. And fewer have focused on the associated carbon footprint on a state or regional scale in the U.S. In this study, we calculated the carbon footprint of the exporting agricultural products of Califtornia to their destinations by firstly exploring the products’ water footprint. Previous virtual water quantification studies have identified the U.S. as the leading global virtual water exporter . Thus we hypothesize that Califtornia is the largest virtual water exporting state in the country. Accordingly we also hypothesize that Califtornia is releasing a great amount of carbon dioxide related to the embedded water of agricultural products. And in this research, we focus on the carbon footprint associated with energy cost by the embedded water in agricultural products exported from Califtornia to other regions of the world.Nowadays, carbon emission is a worldwide topic that hinders the development in many various sectors of human lifte. Every year, the United Nations would regulate the carbon budget for most of the countries. How to use the carbon budget efficiently is a mandatory issue to be managed. At the same time, water resources shortage is becoming an urgent problem all over the world, as energy deficiency is an equally critical problem. Califtornia is facing an unprecedented water crisis in history where water treatment is the largest energy use of the state taking up approximately 19 percent of the total annual electricity consumption . It will cost significant financial investment to keep the water supplies sufficient for next several decades. New regulations and court decisions have resulted in the reduction of water delivery from the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta .

In some areas of the state, the quantity of underground water and surface water supplies is experiencing rapid decrease . The production of water for agriculture requires an enormous amount of energy. The energy water relationship is particularly inseparable in the Southwestern arid and semi-arid regions of the United States, where significant amounts of energy are used to import water. Califtornia is exceptionally vulnerable because its water sector is the largest energy user in the state, estimated to account for 19 percent of the total electricity consumed annually . Another fact is that the annual water used in growing agricultural products in Califtornia is much greater than the total amount used by the other fields such as commercial and industrial applications . Less known is the amount of water embedded or embodied in agricultural products that are exported to other states and countries. For some certain kinds of agricultural products, Califtornia is dominating the supply of the whole U.S. market, such as almond, grape, strawberry, processed tomato, and lemon .Table 5 shows that the exports of agricultural products have been increasing from 2010-2012. Almond as the most exported agricultural product had a growth of 19%. Almond, walnut, wine, and dairy products are the top four in terms of quantity of export agricultural products. All products summed up increased expert by agricultural products 8%. Agricultural product exports provided Califtornia with economic benefits. However, considerable amount of water was consumed during the process of irrigation.As shown in Figure 4 the trend of agricultural product exports from U.S. has been rapidly growing since year 2000. As one of the largest agriculture state of the U.S., Califtornia is facing an increasingly serious water and energy crisis. Califtornia exports agricultural products to more than 156 countries and agricultural export earnings totaled $16.87 billion in 2011 . A growing population is worsening the effects of multi-year droughts in many regions, threatening Califtornia’s already stressed and fragile water systems. The world population would reach 9.6 billion in 2050 . And the Califtornia population will across 50 million at 2050 , which accounts for a 32.4% increase from now. Therefore the food industry is expected to face the problem of food shortage, and one of the underlying causes of food shortage is the limited irrigation water resource. Furthermore, water supply including transportation, treatment, and dispensing is energy-intensive.

Carbon footprint associated with such energy cost is also expected to be tremendous, thus alarming from an environmental perspective. The total CO2 emission from United States in 2012 is around 1.4 billion tons of carbon . And the carbon budget for Califtornia is presently dominated by 115 MMTCE per year in fossil fuel emissions of CO2 to meet energy and transportation requirement. Recently, it is worth noticing that state legislation requires Califtornia to reduce GHG emissions to 1990 levels by 2020 and by another 80% below the 1990 levels by 2050. But its growing population and the demand for all forms of energy will make meeting these targets a major challenge.Based on the data of agricultural product export distribution in different destinations and the total water footprint/carbon footprint of each agricultural product, the weighted water footprint for all the exported agricultural products could be computed. The associated carbon footprint from water treatment could be estimated consecutively. Furthermore, the carbon footprint of the agricultural product export to one country is simply the summation of that of each agricultural product. Especially, in an industrial beef production system, it takes on average three years before the animal is slaughThered to produce about 200 kg of boneless beef. The animal consumes nearly 1,300 kg of grains , 7,200 kg of rough ages , 24 cubic meters of water for drinking and 7 cubic meters of water for servicing. This means that to produce one kilogram of boneless beef, we use about 6.5 kg of grain, 36 kg of rough ages, and 155 liters of water . Producing the volume of feed requires about 15,300 liters of water on average. The water footprint of 1 kg of beef thus adds up to 15,500 liters of water.There are several aspects that could have changed the results of this research. Income from agriculture is 50% of Califtornia’s GDP and is twice the amount of income from other industrial sectors. Being water arguably the most critical factor in agriculture, water stress is prevalent in Califtornia. In fact, plastic square flower bucket water footprint in agricultural product exports was 25 Gm3 water in 2011. Califtornia has been suffering from the droughts in recent years as shown in Figure 5. As the climate continues to warm and soil moisture deficits accumulate beyond historical levels, relevant studies suggest that sustaining water supplies in parts of the Califtornia will be a challenge . Import tax is directly proportional to the total price of import products, which in author’s view is biased. Products with low price/value yet high water footprint, such as beef and oranges, give the customer countries advantages over the others. With water being increasingly valuable, adjustments on import tax is needed for water resource management. The water footprint of Califtornia agricultural products estimated in the current study should be further compared to the water footprint of the U.S.. In the study of Mekonen , the total water footprint of agricultural production of USA is 800 Gm3 /yr, much bigger compared to the 25 Gm3 . However, this study focuses on not only the total quantity, but also the water footprint flow by looking at the commerce flow of each product. The import of water footprint of Califtornia should also be researched to provide an accurate understanding of the relationship between economics and environment. Furthermore, study can be expanded to the other state to comprehensively examine the virtual water flow within the entire nation.

Given that the water supply distribution in the States is vastly varied, the evaluation on water footprint flows can serve as a reference for decision making in commerce and economic management. Methodologies and results in this study can serve as preliminary results for further applications. Carbon footprint as the other objects of this study is equally important as water footprint. In a similar way, CO2 emission is becoming an increasingly impactful metric in many sectors of economy, and will be certainly put on the table during decision-making. Water supply in Califtornia is uniquely costly in terms of energy, standing at 19% of the total energy use of which 40% is used in agriculture . Therefore, the energy used in agriculture is 7.6% of the total energy consumption of Califtornia. The precipitation situation of Califtornia fluctuates from year to year, especially from 2011 to 2014, as shown in Figure 5. The Califtornia has been suffering from the worst drought in 50 years. In a drought year, instream water would be largely reduced, which means waster use in agriculture will have to rely more on other energy-intensive water supplies. Consequently, the carbon footprint for agriculture water use will be exacerbated. With year 2011 being a recent peak for precipitation, the results from this study on carbon footprint in agriculture exports, in a sense underestimated the water deficiency and energy consumption. The total carbon footprint calculated by this study for the agricultural products exported is around 9 million metric tons CO2, which is 2.2% of the carbon budget for Califtornia . The difference between the two numbers 2.2% and 7.6%, in the author’s view, is due to primarily the fact that export is only one of the end use for agricultural products. Secondly, the use of global average value for each product’s water footprint likely overlooks some of the features of regional products. In addition, inefficiency in agriculture water use for each type of product is open to exploration. From the CEC report of 2007 , the largest contribution to carbon footprint is from energy for electrical power generation and the fuel for transportation. The results of this study show that water footprint of agricultural product exports is 25% of the total, while the carbon footprint is 2.2% of the carbon budget. Therefore at the current stage, water consumption seems to be a more critical issue than CO2 emission. Nonetheless, what we considered in this research is the carbon footprint from the embedded water, but there are still many water-irrelevant activities that contribute to the total carbon footprint, such as the transportation energy and human labor carbon footprint. Hence, the carbon footprint from the entire process of agricultural production would be higher than that resulting from this research. Another fact is that if more reclaimed water was used in agriculture, lower carbon footprint would be achieved.